Ex Libris Gulielmi Kenneth
M&crorie: D. D. Episcopi C an-
•onici Eliensis qui migravit
ab I uce XVI2 Kal.Och nr\cmv
anr\o'LXXV2

suoe

I

ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY ;

OR,

LIVES OF EMINENT MEN,

CONNECTED WITH THE

HISTORY OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND;

FROM THE

COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION
TO THE REVOLUTION ;

SELECTED AND ILLUSTRATED WITH

NOTES,

BY

CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D.D.

LATE MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,
AND RECTOR OF BUXTED, WITH UCKFIELD, SUSSEX.

WITH MANY ADDITIONAL HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:
FKANCIS & JOHN EIVINGTON,

ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD, AND WATERLOO PLACE.

1853.

LONDON I

GILBERT AND R1VINGTON, PB1.M I.K-,
ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

PAGE

I. THOMAS BILNEY Fox. I

II. SIR THOMAS MORE; now first published, from a Manuscript in

the Lambeth Library, the Author unknown 43

III. WILLIAM TINDALL Fox. 187

IV. CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX Fox. 219

V. JOHN ROGERS Fox. 303

VI. BISHOP HOOPER Fox. 355

VII. DOCTOR ROWLAND TAYLOR Fox. 405

VIII. BISHOP LATIMER Fox. 445

ERRATA.

Page 52, bottom line, omit " and given below in this collection."
. — 368, line 23, for cum aliquis dominationibus, read cum reliquis.

These, constrained to wield the sword

Of disputation, shrunk not, though assailed

With hostile din, and combating in sight

Of angry umpires, partial and unjust ;

And did, thereafter, bathe their hands in fire,

So to declare the conscience satisfied :

Nor for their bodies would accept release,

But blessing God and praising him bequeathed,

With their last breath from out the smouldering flame,

The faith which they by diligence had earned,

And through illuminating grace received,

For their dear countrymen and all mankind.

O high example, constancy divine !

W. WORDSWORTH.

THOMAS BILNEY.

VOL. II.

Tn E prayers I make will then be sweet indeed

If Thou the spirit give by which I pray :

My unassisted heart is barren clay,
Which of its native self can nothing feed :
Of good and pious works Thou art the seed,

Which quickens only where Thou sayest it may:

Unless Thou shew to us thine own true way
No man can find it : Father ! rl*hou must lead.

Do Thou, then, breathe those thoughts into my mind
By which such virtue may in me be bred,
That in thy holy footsteps I may tread :

The fetters of my tongue do Thou unbind,
That I may have the power to sing of Thee,
And sound thy praises everlastingly !

W. WORDSWORTH.

THOMAS BILNEY.

THOMAS BILNEY was brought up in the universitie of Cambridge,
profiting in all kind of liberall sciences, even unto the profession
of both lawes. But having gotten a better schoolemaster, even
the holy Spirit of Christ, enduing his heart by privie inspiration
with the knowledge of better and more wholesome things, he
came at the last unto this point, that forsaking the knowledge of
mans lawes, he converted his studie to those things, which tend
more unto godlinesse than gainfulnesse.

As he himselfe was greatly inflamed with the love of true reli-
gion, even so againe was in his heart an incredible desire to allure
many unto the same, desiring nothing more than that he might
stir up and encourage any to the love of Christ, and sincere reli-
gion. Neither were his labours vaine, for he converted many of his
fellowes unto the knowledge of the gospel ; amongst which num-
ber was Thomas Arthur, and master Hugh Latimer ; which
Latimer at that time was crosse-keeper at Cambridge, bringing
it forth upon procession daies. At the last, Bilney forsaking the
universitie went into many places, teaching and preaching, being
associate with Arthur, which accompanied him from the uni-
versitie.

The authoritie of Thomas Wolsey, cardinall of Yorke, at that
time was great in England, but his pompe and pride much
greater, which did evidently declare unto all wise men the mani-
fest vanitie, not only of his life, but also of all the bishops and
clergie. Whereupon Bilney, with other good men *, marvelling

1 Other gr.od men.'] See what is said above (Supplem. Extracts, vol. i. p. 426,
n.) of the communications on this subject, between bishop Fisher and the car-
dinal : and it is observable that in the Latin copy, Fox notices here the

B 2

4 THOMAS BILNEY.

at the incredible insolencie of the clergie, which they could now
no longer suffer or abide, began to shake and reprove this exces-
ponipi'2 and also to plucke at the authoritie of the bishop of
ue.

Tln-n it was time for the cardinall to awake, and speedily to
looke about his husinesse. Neither lacked he in this point any
craft <>r sulitiltic <>t' a serpent; for he understood well enough
upon how .^I.-nder a foundation their ambitious dignitie was
ground* -d. n«-ith«-r \\as he ignorant that their proud kingdome
could not long continue against the manifest word of God, <

(animal's intentions of a reformation. " Nihil itaque cunctatus Cardinalis, cum
primum hcpc movcri audivit mense Decembri anno 1528, Londini frequen-
tissimo ecclesiasticorum collecto coetu, promisit fore lit abusus quicunque in
ecclesiam Romanam subrepsissent, sedulo repurgarentur. Interim Bilnseus,"
Scc.—Rerum in Ecclesia Commentarii, p. 124.

It may be further proper to remark, that in the Latin copy, we have no
such sweeping charge as is here brought against the " vanity," &c. of " all
the bishops and clergy." The words there seem to apply principally, if not
entirely, to the order of cardinals, and to the pope. They are as follows : —
" Ingens erat per idem tempus Thomae Vulsaei, cardinalis Eboracensis, in
Aiifjlia authoritas, sed fastus, pompa atque ambitio multo major, quac mani-
m vitic, vanitatem non modo ipsius, sed et universi ordinis, turn pontificis
omnium maxime, apud cordatos quosque declarabat."

* This excessive pompe.~\ Sir Thomas More, in his Apology, made after he
had given over the office of Lord Chancellor, appears to impute much of this
pomp to the example of Cardinal \Volsey; but affirms, that even at the time
\vlu-n he wrote (A.D. 1533), the evil was much abated. " Verylye for aught
that I can see, a greate part of the proud and pompous apparaile that many
'•s in yeares not long paste, were by the pryde and oversight of some
few [' in my lorde cardinal Wolsey*s days,' appears in the margin], forced
in a manner agaynst theyr own wylles to wean-, was before hys" (Tindal's)
"god. . so by this pretty printed book privily given them in theyr

care, much more, I trowe, than the one half spent, and in a manner well
worne <»utc. And I wote it is worne out with many, whyche entende here-
to buy no more such agayne. And for the residue of the countenance
I dare bee bnlde to warrant, that J can fynde of those that most maye spende,
i, were they sure that it shoulde in this matter do any good, would be
:.t to wythdrawe from all theyr other countenaunce the chiefe parte
of theyr moveables, and of theyr yearely lyvelode too, and out of hand
bestow the one, and wyth their own hand yearely bestowe the other, openlye
amonge the poorc. And I durst agayne be bolde to warrant, that if they so
dyd, even the self same folke that nowe grudge and call theym proude for
Mtenaunce, woulde then fynde as great a grudge, and ral thcvm
.:nes: and say that they spende upon nmighty beggers
the x 10 keepe good yeomen ; and that they thereby both

cnfeable, and also dishonour the realrae." — Works, p. h.

THOMAS BILNEY. 5

cially if the light of the gospel should once open the eyes of men.
For, otherwise he did not greatly feare the power and displeasure
of kings and princes : only this he feared, the voice of Christ in
his gospell, lest it should disclose and detect their hypocrisie and
deceits, and force them to come to an order of godly discipline :
wherefore he thought good, speedily in time to withstand these
beginnings. Whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur
to be apprehended and cast into prison.

After this, the seven and twentieth day of November, in the
yeere of our Lord 1527, the said cardinall accompanied with a
great number of bishops, as the archbishop of Canterburie [Wil-
liam Warham], Cuthbert [Tonstall] of London, John [Fisher]
of Rochester, Nicholas [West] of Ely, John [Voysey] of Exeter,
John [Longland] of Lincolne, John [Clerke] of Bathe and
Welles, Henrie [Standish] of Saint Asaph, with many other both
divines and lawyers, came into the chapterhouse at Westminster,
where the said master Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur 3 were
brought before them ; and the said cardinall there enquired of
master Bilney, whether he had privately or publikely preached or
taught to the people the opinions of Luther or any other, con-
trarie to the determination of the church. Whereupon Bilney
answered, that wittinglie he had not preached or taught any of
Luther's opinions, or any other, contrarie to the catholike church.
Then the cardinall asked him, whether he had not once made an
oth before, that he should not preach, rehearse, or defend any
of Luther's opinions, but should impugne the same every where ?
He answered, that he had made such an oth, but not lawfully 4.
— Which interrogatories so ministred, and answeres made, the
cardinall caused him to sweare to answere plainly to the articles
and errors preached and set forth by him ; as well in the citie

3 With them was summoned ' ' George Joye, who was then a fellow of
Peter House in Cambridge."— "Fox does not appear to have known that
Joye was cited with Bilney and Arthur." Maitland's Essays on the Refor-
mation, p. 4.

4 But not lawfully. ~\ " The whole process is set down at length by Fox in
all points, according to TonstalPs Register, except one fault in the translation.
When the cardinal asked Bilney whether he had not taken an oath before,
not to preach or defend any of Luther's doctrines; he confessed he had done
it, but not judicially (judicialiter, in the Register). This Fox translates not
lawfully. In all other particulars there is an exact agreement between the
Register and his Acts."— Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 31.
Edit. 1715.

G THOMAS BILNEY.

and cliocesse of London, as in the diocesse of Norwich and other
plar«-> ; and that he should do it without any craft, qualifying or
Leaving out any part of the truth.

After he was thus sworne and examined, the said cardinall
proceeded to the examination of master Thomas Arthur there
r.niMiiu him to take the like oth that master Bilney
did. Which done, he asked of him whether he had not once told
sir Thomas More, knight, that in the sacrament of the altar was
not the \( rie bodie of Christ? Which interrogatorie he denied.
— Then the cardinall gave him time to deliberate till noone, and
to brin<r jn hjs answere in writing. — After noone the same day,
what time the examination of the foresaid Thomas Arthur

mlinall and bishops by their authoritie, ex officio,
did call in for \\itnesses before master JJilney, certaine men,
namely. .John linden, chiefe provinciall of the friers preachers
thorowont all Kn^land. (ielirey Julles and Richard JugWOrtJb,
professours of divinitie. of the same order; Also William
Jecket. Lcentleman. William Nelson, and Thomas Williams, which
were > \\orne. that all favour, hate, love, or reward set apart.
they should without concealing any falshood, or omitting any
truth, speake their minds upon the articles laid against him. or
•hed by him, as well within the diocesse of London, as the
sse of Norwich. And because he was otherwise occupied
about the affaires of the realme, the cardinall committed 5 the
MILT of the matter to the bishop of London, and to other
bishop^ then- present, or to three of them, to proceed against all
men. as well spiritiiall as temporall. as also against sched
writings, and bookes, set forth by Martine Luther, lately emi-
demned by 1' the t» nth8 ; and by all manner of probable

• The cardinall committed.'] Bilney interceded with Tonstall to procure, if
possible, a hearing of his case before the cardinal. " I desire you that you
will rrmembcr me to-iii»rn>w. that by your aid I may be brought before the
tribunal seat of my lord cardinal ; before whom I had rather stand than
before any of his deputies." — Fox, vol. i. p. 918.

• Condemned by Pope Leo the tenth.] This bull bears date, Roma, 17 Calend.
Julii, A. n. 1'ijo. It is printed intire in B/ovii Annales, ad ann. l.VJo, ft»l.
367—371, and in G ^formutiwis, vol. i. p. i:U— !»:•.

ndix. It contains the same forty-two (or as tin y are here and in other

ii-Miut d by car-

\ ilkins's CoH'-i/iVi. vol. iii. p. 690— CQ3), defended by Lathe*, in
\\iadisertio omnium Articulorum, and examined and n-usurt-d by hibhop 1
in an elaborate work entitled Assertions Lulherana: Confutatio, A.D. 1523.

THOMAS BILNEY. 7

meanes, to enquire and root out their errors and opinions ; and
all such as were found culpable, to compel them to abjuration,
according to the law; or if the matter so required, to deliver
them unto the secular power, and to give to it full authoritie to
determine upon them.

The seven and twentith of November, in the yeere aforesaid
(1527), the bishop of London, with the bishops of Ely and
Rochester, came unto the bishop of Norwiches house, whereas
likewise ex officio, they did sweare certaine witnesses against
master Thomas Arthur, in like sorte as they had done before
against master Thomas Bilney, and so proceeded to the exami-
nation of master Arthur ; which being ended upon certaine inter-
rogatories, the bishop of London warned him by vertue of his
oth, that he should not reveale his examinations, nor his answeres,
nor any part or parcell thereof.

The second day of December, the bishops assembled againe in
the same place, and sware more witnesses against master Bilney.
That done, they called for master Arthur, who did revoke and
condemne the articles against him ministered, and submitted
himselfe to the punishment and judgement of the church.

The third day of December, the bishop of London with the
other bishops assembling in the place aforesaid, after that Bilney
had denied utterly to returne to the church of Rome, the bishop
of London in discharge of his conscience (as he said) lest hee
should hide any thing that had come to his hands, did really
exhibite unto the notaries, in the presence of the said master
Bilney, certaine letters, to wit, five letters or epistles, with one
schedule in one of the epistles, containing his articles and an-
sweres folded therein, and another epistle folded in maner of a
booke, with six leaves ; which all and every one he commanded
to be written out and registered, and the originals to be delivered
to him againe.

This was done in the presence of master Bilney, desiring a
copie of them ; and he bound the notaries with an oth, for the
safe keeping of the copies, and true registring of the same.
Which articles and answeres, with one of the same epistles, with
certaine depositions deposed by the foresaid witnesses, here fol-
low, truely drawne out partly of his own hand writing, and partly
out of the register.

THOMAS BILNEY.

Interrogatories whereupon master Thomas Arthur, and master
Bilney were accused and examined.

" 1 Whether they did beleeve with their hearts, that the
assertions of Luther, which are impugned by the bishop of Ro-
chester 7, were justly and godly condemned ; and that Luther
with his adherents, was a wicked and a detestable heretike.

2 Whether they did beleeve that generall counsels and eccle-
siastical constitutions once received and not abrogate againe,
ought to be observed of all men, even for conscience sake, and
not only for feare.

3 Whether they did beleeve that the popes lawes were profit-
able and necessarie to the preferment of godlinesse, not repug-
nant to the holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be abrogate,
but to be reverenced of all men.

4 Whether they did beleeve that the catholike church may
erre in the faith or no : and whether they thinke that catholike
church to be a sensible church, which may be demonstrate and
pointed out as it were with a finger ; or that it is only a spirituall
church, intelligible, and knowne only to God.

5 Whether they thinke that the images of saints are chris-
tianly set in the churches ; and ought to be worshipped of all
true Christians.

6 Whether a man may beleeve without hurt to his faith or
note of heresie, the soules of Peter and Paul, and of our Ladie,
cither to be, or not to be in heaven; and that there is yet no
judgment Driven upon the soules departed.

7 Win-tiler a man may beleeve without spot of heresie, that
our Ladie remained not alwaies a virgin.

8 Whether link dai« s ;md lasting daies ordained and receiv. <1
by the church, may be broken by any private man, at his will
and I'lra-mv. without shine or obstinacie.

9 Whether we are bound to be obedient unto prelats, bishops
and kiiiL^. l.y Gods coimnandemcnt. as we are unto our parent-.

10 Whether tli re that the church doth well and godly
in praying to the saints.

'mpugned by the bishop of Rochester.'] This is the book, "Assertions Lu-
theran* Confutalio" of bishop Fisher mentioned in the preceding note. It
is an able and very important work. It came out in 1523, and was in so
great request that five editions were printed before the year 1525.

THOMAS BILNEY. 9

11 Whether they thinke that Christ only should be prayed
unto, and that it is no heresie, if any man affirme that saints
should not be prayed unto.

1 2 Whether they do thinke all true Christians to be by like
right priests, and all those to have received the keyes of binding
and loosing, at the hands of Christ, which have obtained the
Spirit of God ; and only such, whether they be lay men or
priests.

13 Whether they beleeve with their hearts that faith may be
without workes and charitie.

14 Whether they beleeve that it is more agreeable to the faith,
that the people should pray in their owne tongue, than in a
learned unknowne tongue ; and whether they commend the
prayer in a strange tongue or no.

15 Whether they would have the masses and gospels openly
to be read in churches in the vulgar tongue, rather than in the
Latine tongue.

16 Whether they commend that children should only be
taught the Lord's Prayer, and not the Salutation of the virgin,
or Creed.

17 Whether they do thinke the woodden beads which the
common people doth use, worthie to be denied, or not.

18 Whether they do thinke the whole Scripture ought to be
translated into English ; or that it should be more profitable for
the people, than as it is now read.

19 Whether they would have the organs and all maner of
songs to be put out of the church of God.

20 Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the bishops to
punish any man with bonds or imprisonment, or that they have
any temporall power and authoritie.

21 Whether they thinke that constitution to be godly, that
no man should preach in another mans diocesse, without letters
of commendation, and licence obtained of the bishop.

22 Whether they thinke the vowes of religious men, and
private religion, to be constitute or ordained by the Spirit of
God, neither by any meanes to be repugnant to a free and perfect
Christian life.

23 Whether they beleeve that we should pray for the dead ;
or beleeve that there is a purgatorie ; or that we are bound by
necessity of faith, to beleeve neither of them ; but that it is free
without sinne, either to beleeve it or not to beleeve it.

10 THOMAS BILN7EY.

24 Whether they beleeve that morall philosophie and naturall
do prevail*- any tiling for the better understanding of the Scrip-
tun s. and tor the exposition and defence of the truth.

Whether they thinke that the popes indulgences and par-
duns are rather to be rejected than received.

26 Whether it be contrarie to the doctrine of Christ and his
apostle-, that Christians should by any meanes contend in the law,
to secke any nianer of restitution.

27 Whether they beleeve all things pertaining to salvation and
damnation to come of necessitie, and nothing to be in our ownc
will

28 Whether they beleeve God to be the author of all evill, as
well of the fault, as of the punishment.

29 Whether they thinke masse only to be profitable to him
which saith it ; and whether every man may alter or leave out the
rite and order of the masse, without hurt of faith.

30 Whether they beleeve that there can be any moral virtues
without the grace of Christian living, or that the virtues which
Ari>totle hath set out, are rather fained.

31 Whether they think it heresie, to teach the people, that it
is free to give tithes unto priests, or to any other poore man.

! Whether they do thinke it more Christian-like to take
:i\\ay the images out of the churches ; or to permit them there, to
adorne them and honor them.

33 Whether they thinke it the part of a Christian man, that
•li'-rs should exhort men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping
of reliques.

:; 1 Whether that thou Thomas Bilney, being cited upon heresie
to appeare 1,,-foiv my lord cardinall, and before the day of thy
appearance, not having made thy purgation upon those points
that thou wa>t cited, hast preached openly in divers churches of
th«- ritie and diocesse of London, without sufficient licence from
the bishop, or any other.v

CoiK-i-rniiiir the answeres unto these articles, (gentle Reader)
for so much as in the most part of them. IJilney with Arthur
il and .ejree (although not fullie and directly, but
i\ and manner of qualitym- he did not expn

d< nie tin-in, it >hall not he necdfull heen- n. n-eite them all.
only Mich wherein he seemed to dissent from them.

To ' and second art id \\vivd aflirmativcly.

To the third he said, " 1 b«-k-e\r that nt'tny of the popes la\

THOMAS BILNEY. 11

are profitable and necessarie, and do prevaile unto gocllinesse,
neither in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by
any meanes are to be abrogate, but of all men to be observed and
reverenced. But touching all those lawes I cannot determine :
for, as for such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they
are good also : and as for those that I have read, I did never
reade them to the end and purpose to reprove them, but accord-
ing to my power, to learne and understand them. And as touch-
ing the multitude of lawes, Saint Augustine in his time did much
complaine, and Gerson also, who marvelled that we could by any
meanes live in safetie amongst so many snares of constitutions,
whenas our forefathers, being pure before their fall, could not
observe one only precept."

To the fourth article he said, u that the catholike church can
by no meanes erre in faith, for it is the whole congregation of
the elect, and so knowne only unto God, which knoweth who are
his : otherwise, no man should be ascertained of another mans
salvation, or of his owne, but only through faith and hope. For
it is written, (Eccles. 5.) No man Jcnoweth whether he be worthie
of hatred or love. — It is also sensible, and may be demonstrate
so far forth as it is sufficient to establish us in all things, that are
to be beleeved and done. For I may truly say of a generall
councell being congregate in the Holy Ghost; 'Behold heere
the catholike church,' denominating the whole by the most
worthie part."

To the fifth article, he answered affirmatively in these words,
Cum sint libri laicorum, adorare oportet, at non imaginem, sed
prototypon.

To the sixth article he answered, " that he did not beleeve that
they are in heaven, being so taught by the Scriptures, and holy
fathers of the church."

To the seventh article he said, " that it is not to be thought
contrarie."

To the eighth article, whether a man may not observe the feasts
and fasts of the church prescribed, he thought " that there is no
man, but he ought to observe them."

To the ninth article he said, " that we are like wise bound as
unto parents."

To the fourteenth article he answered thus : " The fourteenth
chapter of St. Paul in his first epistle to the Corinthians, mooveth
me to beleeve, that it is best, that the people should have the

12 THOMAS BILNEY.

Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles1 Creed in English, so that their
devotion might the more be furthered by the understanding
thcrmf. and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and
expert in the articles of their faith : of the which it is to be
(1, a great number are ignorant 8. Surely I have heard many
say, that they never heard speake of the resurrection of the bodie,
and being certified thereof, but they became much more apt and
n adie unto goodnesse, and more fearefull to do evill."

To the fifteenth article he said, "he would wish that the
gospels and epistles should be read in English. For I would
(>aith Paul, 1 Cor. 14.) rather have five words, &c. That the
church might be edified, &c. And Chrysostome exhort ctli his
hearers to looke upon bookes, that they might the better commit
unto incinorie those things which they had heard. And Saint
Hede did translate Saint John's Gospell into English.""

Touching the eighteenth article, for the translation of the
scripture into English, "concerning the whole, he did partly doubt.
Notwithstanding, he wished that the gospels and epistles of the
day might be read in English, that the people might be made the
more apt to heare sermons. — But heere some will say, there
might also be danger for errour. Whereunto he answered : But
good and vigilant pastors might easilie helpe that matter, by
adding the plaino interpretation of the fathers in the mai-p
in English, upon the darke and obscure places, which would put
all doubts. — O how great profit of soules should the vigilant
pastors get thereby, which contrariwise through their slothful-
bring great ruine and decay !"

To the five and twentieth article, as touching pardons9, lie

8 Are ignorant. ] See before, vol. i. Thorpe, p. 310, and n.

9 A* touching pardons.'] There was no point from which Luther derived
with greater success the eloquence with which he thundered against the

m, than that of the antichristian doctrine of pardons and indulgences,
and the disgraceful traffic in the sale of them, so prevalent in his days. But
that part of the history of the Reformation needs not to be enlarged upon in
this place. Only it may he proper, by a few domestic anecdotes and autho-
to show what progress the same pernicious doctrine and practice had
made in this country.

In the latter end .,1 i :>OO, being the year of jubilee, pope Alexander

VI. sent a commissary into this kingdom, to distribute, as he called it. the
heavenly grace, to all such as, prevented by any forcible impediment,
not be present at Rome to receive the benefit there. The articles contained
in this bull, with the sums of money required of each person in proportion

THOMAS BILNEY. 13

said, "that as they be used, and have too long been, it were
better that they, should be restrained, than that they should be

to his means, to intitle him to partake in the promised advantages, are given
by Weever in the discourse prefixed to his Funeral Monuments, p. 158 — 162,
edit. 1767. In Becon's Reliques of Rome, Works, vol. iii fol. 205—207, and
in Bp. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 138 — 140, (Records,) may
be found an account of the chief indulgences granted by different popes to
those who shall say devoutly certain prayers therein specified. One of the
most common purposes for which they were made use of was the raising of
money and other supplies for the building of monasteries, abbeys, and
churches. Of this it would be easy to produce many examples. But we must
confine ourselves within narrow limits. In the year 1112, previously to the
erection of the abbey at Crowland, the abbot obtained of the archbishops and
bishops of England an indulgence for remitting the third part of all penances
injoined for sins committed, to every person who should help forward that
good work : and with this indulgence he sent the monks abroad into all
quarters to gather money, who returned after great success. On the day
appointed for laying the foundation there was a very numerous appearance
of nobles, prelates, and commons ; and after mass and anthems sung, the
abbot himself laid the first stone, and the nobles and others, according to
their degrees and quality, couched their stones respectively, and laid upon
them sums of money ; others gave their deeds of lands, advowsons of
churches, certain measures of wheat, or engaged to pay so many labourers,
masons, carpenters, &c. till the work was finished. The common people and
townships, for their parts, offered with a zealous devotion, some money,
others certain days of labour : some the building of whole pillars, others
a certain extent of the walls, windows, &c. all striving to outvie each other.
After this, the abbot in a solemn speech, commending their bounty, and
granting to them and theirs all spiritual benefits in the church, and a parti-
cipation in the merit of all the prayers, fastings, &c. gave his blessing to the
assembly, and dismissed them, well satisfied with their work, to their respec-
tive homes. See Staveley's History of Churches in England, p. 57.

But these pardons were not always converted to purposes so beneficial ;
since by them, as Wickliffe assures us, many men were deceived, and
"trusten to flee to heaven withouten pain, and therefore dreaden sin the
lesse." Lewis's History, p. 139. They were often made the incentive to
sanguinary wars, crusades, and idle pilgrimages. And in many ways, among
private individuals, they encouraged the grossest errors and immoralities.
" Yea it is well known that their pardons and other of theyr trompery hath
bene bought and sold in Lombard-strete, and in other places, as thou wylt
bye and sell an horse in Smith-field." Lamentations against the City of Lon-
don. Signat, c. 8. A.D. 1548. "In times past (says bishop Grindall) men
made preparations before death, but (God knoweth) farre out of square.
Some redemed for money great plentye of indulgencies from Rome, and he
that had the greatest plentie of them, to bee cast with him into his grave,
when he was buried (whiche I myself e have sene done] was counted the best
prepared for death." Sermon at the Funeral Solemnity of the Emperor Ferdi-

14 THOMAS BILNEY.

any longer used as they have been, to the injurie of Christ s
passion.

Touching the six and twentieth article, he said, " that it is
not against the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, to contend in
the law, so it be done with charitie, if St. Augustine, and the
reverend father Marcus Marulus10 did not erre, which granted
that libertie to the weake Christians; albeit that true Christians
nii«rht to L;-ive eare unto St. Pauls saying; Why do ye not rather
suffer injurie ? (1 Cor. 6.) And to Christ himselfe, which saith :
He that would contend with thee in the law, and take away thy
coate^ give him thy cloke also"

Touching the eight and twentieth, he aunswered, " that God is
tlic author of the punishment only, but not of the offence, as
Basilins Magnus teachetli in his sermon upon these words of the
prophet (Amos 3.): Non est malum in cimtate quod non fecit
'/tus. And Saint Augustine in another place (as I remember)
prayi-th ; That he be not led into that temptation, that he should
beleeve God to be the author of sinne and wickednesse"

//. - / v MUtt fh a briefe summarie or collection ofcertaine d< j
</</>osed by t/te severall witnesses aforenamed, upon certaine ii<

nand, preached in St. P ant's Cathedral, Oct. 3, 1564. Signat. D. c. But per-
haps no use was ever made of them which can be accounted more melancholy
than the following. Proclamation was occasionally made at the burning of
the martyrs, " that whosever did bring a faggot or a stake to the burning of
a hereticke should have forty daies of pardon. Whereby it came to pass, that
many ignorant people caused their children to beare billets and faggots to their
burning." Fox's Acts, p. 897. See also Fox, p. 1105, and p. 1120.

It is observable, that even a man of so much learning and understanding
as bishop Fisher, enumerates " indulgences and pardons " among the grounds
of hope that the Lady Margaret, mother of king Henry VII., whose con-
fessor he was, had been " borne up into the country above by the blessed
aungells." " For yf " (says he in her Funeral Sermon) " the herty prayer
of many persones, yf her owne contynuall prayer in her lyfe tyme, yf the
sacraments of the chirche orderly taken, yf indulgences and pardons graunled
by <livers popes, yf true repentaunce and teeres, yf fayth and devocyon in
f charyte to her neghbours, yf pyte upon the jmore, yf for-
Mttft of iqjoriM, Of yf good wi-rkes be available, as doubtless tin
grete lyklyhodc, and almoste certayn ronjertiire \ve may take by them, and
all these that so it is in dede." P. 35, 6. Baker's edit. 1/08.

*• Marcus Mantlus.] Ii. rise de religiose vicendi instilutione per

exempla.

THOMAS BILNEY. 15

rotatories ministered unto them, for the inquirie of Master Bil-
neyes doctrine and preaching.

" First it was deposed, that in his sermon in Christs church in
Ipswich, he should preach and say, our Saviour Christ is our
mediatour betweene us and the Father : what should we need
then to seeke any saint for remedie ? Wherefore, it is great
injurie to the blood of Christ, to make such petitions, and blas-
phemeth our Saviour.

That man is so unperfect of himselfe, that he can in no wise
merit by his owne deeds.

Also, that the comming of Christ was long prophesied before,
and desired by the prophets. But John Baptist being more than
a prophet, did not only prophecie, but with his finger shewed
him, saying: (John 1.) Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi.
Then if this were the very Lambe which John did demonstrate,
that taketh away the sins of the world, what injurie is it to our
Saviour Christ, that to be buried in Saint Francis cowle n should

11 To be buried in Saint Francis cowled] The friars succeeded in persuading
the people, *; that they could get a great thing of the pope, or of cardinals in
England, better cheap than other procurators could" (Wickliffe against
the Friars, p. 60, A.D. 1608) : and by these means they gradually usurped and
drew away from the secular clergy and the parochial churches, to themselves
and their own abbeys, the administering of the several sacraments, hearing of
confessions, and burials of the dead, especially of all the wealthy part of the
community ; together with such other religious offices, as might be converted
to purposes of gain. " Friars drawen to them confession, and burying of
riche men, by manie subtil means, and masse-pence, and trentals, but they
will not come to poore mens Dirige, ne receave them to be buried amongst
them." (Wickliffe against Friars, p. 28.) By having his grave within the
precincts of the abbey, they made the rich man believe, that he should par-
take of the merit of all the masses, prayers, fastings, and other good work s
which should continue, till the day of doom, to be performed in that holy
spot. But to be buried in a cowl or hood, and the rest of a friar's habit,
especially if accompanied and corroborated by a letter of fraternity, this was
a sure protection against all manner of harm. "They techen lords and
nameliche (especially) ladies, that if they dien in Francis's habile, they
shoulden never come to Hell, for virtue thereof." Wickliffe in Lewis's
History, p. 22. In Pierce the Ploughman's Creed, by John Longland, we
have an incomparable description of these arts of the friars. One of them is
supposed to be wheedling a man out of his money : and among other equally
strong arguments, having told the person of whom he is begging, that the
order are now building a magnificent abbey, for which he is employed to
gather the means, he promises,

" And mightest thou amenden us with moneye of thyn owen,
Thou shouldest knely before Christ in compas of gold

16 THOMAS BILNEY.

remit foure parts of penance ! What is then left to our Saviour
Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This I will
j u stifle to be a great blasphemie to the blood of Christ.

Also, that it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage ; and
that preachers in times past have been Antichrists, and now
it hath pleased God somewhat to shew forth their falshood and
errors.

Also, that the miracles done at Walsingham, at Ganterburie,
and tin -iv in Ipswich, were done by the divel, through the suf-
irraiin- of ( iod, to blind the poore people: and that the pope had
not the keyes that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his
living.

Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously
suspected as an heretike, and twice pulled out of the pulpit in
tin- diocesse of Norwich.

In the wyde window westward wel neigh in the mydel;
And Saint Francis hymselfe shall folden thee in his cope,
And present thee to the Trinite, and praye for thy synnes.
Thy name shall noblich ben wryten and wrought for the nones,
And in remembrance of thee yrad (read) there for ever."

See Lewis's History of Wickliffe, p. 307.

" King John, being buried at Worcester, under the high altar, was
wrapped in a monk's cowl, which the superstition of those times accounted
sacred. And I find also, that some of the honourable family of the Hastings
were interred in habits of the friars minors, in their convent church at
( 'o\ entry." Stavely's Hist, of Churches in England, p. 265. In truth it is
certain that the practice was a very frequent one. King John died in the
year 1216. Thus early then the custom must have begun. It is referred to,
along with other superstitions of a like nature, in the following extract from
a sermon, which has been already cited, preached on occasion of the funeral
solemnity of the emperor Ferdinand, by Grindall, then bishop of London.
" In times past men made preparacions afore death, but (God knoweth) farrc
f square. Some redemed for money great plentye of indulgencies from
Rome, and he that had the greatest plentie of them, to be cast with him into
his grave when he was buried, (whiche I myself have sene done) was cot.

:•• pared for death. Others made provisions or foundacions to have
number of masses said for them after death, thereby to be the s<
redout of purgatorie. Other there were that thought it a more r< a-
sonable and speedye waye to quench the fire of purgatory afore they fel into
it ; and tli y procured a great number of masses and trentals to be

said for them afore death. Some of those that have bene learned, the more
was the pi' il in an observant or gray friars cowle, and afterward

bene buried in the same, and so thought themselves well prepared. Hut alas !
al these preparacions were preposterous." Funeral Sermon, signat. I). :$. b.
A.O. l.v.i. But the largest and best account, and exposure of this lament-
able folly, may be read in Erasmus's Colloquy, intitled Exequia Seraphicte.

THOMAS BILNEY. 17

Also it was deposed against him, that he should in the parish
church of Willesdon, exhort the people to put away their gods
of silver and gold, and leave their offerings unto them, for that
such things as they offered, have been knowne oftentimes afterward
to have been given to the stewes. Also that Jewes and Saracens
would have become Christian men l long ago, had it not been for
the idolatrie of Christian men in offering of candles, waxe, and
money to stockes and stones."

Over and besides these cavilling matters, articuled and deposed
against him, heere follow certaine other articles, whereupon he
was detected, gathered out of his sermon, which he preached in
the parish church of Saint Magnus, in Whitson weeke, in the
yeere of our Lord, 1527.

1 Would have become Christian men.'] See Becon's works, vol. iii. fol. 49
and 51. A.D. 1564. But arguments of this kind must not be carried too far.
The reason of Jews and Saracens will not always be right reason ; and a fit
pattern for Christians to conform themselves to. An argument very like the
above has been not unfrequently urged by Socinian writers against the doc-
trines of the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, the atonement, &c. If we would
make Christianity palatable (say they) to Jews and Mohammedans, we must
not press these high and unintelligible notions. See Leslie's Theological
Works, Horsley's Tracts, &c.

And yet, it is an historical fact, that Jews and Turks have often been scan-
dalized by, and often expressly avowed their detestation against, several of the
corruptions of Popery. Sir Edwin Sandys, speaking of his own experience in
Italy, and of the impediments to the conversion of the Jews, which he
noticed in that country, besides others, adds the following. " A scandal also
is their vowing, and praying to angels and saints ; which the Jews hold to be
a duty peculiar unto God only; and that it hath so been esteemed among
them in all ages. Yea, and they note, that the Christians pray more oft, and
more willingly to Christ's mother, than unto Christ himself, or unto God.
But the greatest scandal of all is their worshipping of images ; for which
both Jews and Turks call them the idolatrous Christians. And this is so
much the greater, and of more indignity, for that they generally conceive it
to be a thing which Christ himself expressly commanded, — that the decalogue
should be recited with omission of the second precept : as one of their
greatest Rabbins contested with me, being induced into that error by some

catechism of the Christians, which he had seen with that fault And for

their coming to the Christian sermons, they say, that as long as they shall see
the preacher direct his speech and prayer to that little wooden crucifix, which
stands on the pulpit by him ; to call it his Lord and Saviour, to kneel down
to it, to embrace and kiss it, to weep upon it (as is the fashion of Italy) ; —
this is preaching sufficient for them, and persuades them more with the very
sight of it to hate the Christian religion, than any reason that the world can
allege to love it. — And these be the scandals, which as 7 have heard them-
selves allege, they take on that side." Europce Speculum, p. 244—7.

VOL. ii. c

18 THOMAS BILXEY.

Certaine other Articles produded against Master Thomas Bilney.

" First he said, pray you only to God, and to no saints, re-
hearsing the Letanir ; and when he came to Sancta Maria, ora
pro nolis, he said, stay there 2.

" He said, that Christian men ought to worship God only, and
no saints.

" He said, that Christian people should set up no lights s before

3 Stay there.'] This is the petition in the Romish Litanies which follows
next after that to the Trinity. It is succeeded by many others addressed to
many different saints. Bilney does not mean that the invocation of the virgin
may be retained ; but that we should stop immediately after the petition to
the Trinity. " If there be but one mediator of God and men, the man Christ
Jesus, where is our blessed ladie ? Where is then saint Peter and other
saints r" Bilney in Fox's Acts, p. 913. Among the erroneous opinions com-
plained of to the prelates by the lower house of convocation, June 23, 153G,
as commonly preached, taught, and spoken, to the slander of this noble
realm, disquietness of the people, and damage of Christian souls, this was
one : " Item, it is preached against the Litany, and also said, that it was
never merry in England sithence the Litany was ordained, and Sancta Maria,
Sancta Catharina, Sec. sung and said." AVilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 805.

8 Should set up no lights.] The offering, finding, and setting up of wax
tapers before images was a good work, from which no one was excused. And
in this way, though the cost was easy to every separate individual, yet upon
the whole to some churches it became a source of very considerable profit.
In the Northumberland Houshold Book, p. 338, we find that the earl paid
yearly for " the upholdyng of a light of wax," before the blood of Hales, our
lady at Walsingham, saint Margaret in Lincolnshire, and our Lady of Don-
caster, the several sums of 10*., Gs. 3d., 10s. and 13s. 4rf., In what estima-
tion the people were taught to regard this act of devotion, may be collected
from the following story, which continued to be read in churches, even till
after the death of Bilney. On this account the extract is historically impor-
tant, and the insertion of it may therefore be excused. In many other
respects, it is painful to have to dwell thus long upon scenes so humiliating.
But the pi. 'he editor in these compilations will be much misunder-

stood, if it be not believed, that while he has also other salutary objects in
view, he is peculiarly solicitous by them to turn the reader's thoughts upon
himself, and upon that deceitfulness of sin, which will insinuate itself into
unst profession of religion. " Thou standest by Faith. Be not high-
minded, but fear."

;is a woman of evvll lyvyng, and she dyd never good dede in
her lyfe, but only founde a candell brennyng before our lady. So it happed
when she was deed, fendes came to her, and toke her soule. And when tlu y
were goynge, there came two aungels, and rebuked the fendes, why they were
so bolde for to take the soule, without dome. Than sayd the fendes, ther

THOMAS BILNEY. 19

the images of saints : for saints in heaven need no light, and the
images have no eyes to see.

" He said, as Ezechias destroyed the brasen serpent that Moses
made by the commandement of God, even so should kings and
princes now adaies destroy and burne the images of saints set up
in churches.

" These five hundred yeeres there hath been no good pope, nor

nedeth none" (no doom}; "she dyde never good dede. Than sayd the
aungels, take and brynge the soule before our lady. And so they dyde. But
whan it was founde that she dyde never good dede, she must nedes go to
helle. Than sayd our lady, She founde a candell brennynge afore me, and it
was ever her wyll whyle she lyved. And therfore I wyll be as kynde to her,
as she was to me. And bad an angel take a grete serge" (taper} " and lyght
it, and set it before her in helle. And our lady charged and commaunded
that there sholde no fende come there nye ; but let it stonde brennynge for
ever more, to comforte all that ben in hell. Than sayd the fendes, they had
lever" (rather) " leave the soule, than do so. Than badde our lady take the
soule, and bere it to the body agayne. So they dyd. And when she was
a-lyve, she bethought her oon her streyght dome there as she was at ; and
went and shrove her to a preest, and lyved longe after ; and she amended her
lyf, and was ever after a good woman, and an holy." Festival, fol. 91, im-
printed by Richard Faques. Compare same work, fol. 24.

There is enough in the above narration, without going any further, to shew
that the reformers had good reason to condemn the abuse of this, and other
such-like ceremonies, as they were taught and practised in those times. Let
us now see, what could be pleaded in their defence, in a work which had par-
ticular respect to the opinions of Bilney, by a most ingenious and powerful
advocate. " Christ also promised that saint Mary Magdalene shoulde be wor-
shipped thoroughe the world, and have here an honourable remembrance, for
that she bestowed that precyouse oyntement uppon hys holy hed. Which thing
whan I consider, it maketh me mervaile of the madnesse of these heretyques,
that barke against the olde auncient customes of Christes chyrch, mockinge
the settinge up of candels, and with folish facecies" (jestings— facetia:), "and
blasphemous mockery demaunde, Whether God and hys saintes lack lyght,
or Whether it be nyght with them, that they cannot se without candle ? They
might as well aske, what good dyd that oyntment to Cristes hed ? But the
heretiques grudge at the cost now, as theyr brother Judas dyd than ; and say
it were better spent in almes upon a pore folke : and thys saye many of them
which can neyther finde in theyr harte to spende upon the one nor the other.
And some spend some tyme upon the one for none other entente, but to the
end that they may the more boldlye rebuke and rayle against the other. But
let them all, by that ensample of the holy woman, and by these wordes of our
Saviour, lerne that God deliteth to se the fervent hete of the hartis devocion
boyle out by the body, and to do him service with all such goodes of fortune
as God hath given a man." Sir Thomas More's Dialogue concerning Heresies.
A.D. 1528. Works, p. 118.

c 2

20 THOMAS BILNEY.

in all the time past, we can find but fiftie? for they have neither
preached, nor lived wel, or conformablie to their dignitie : wher-
fore till now they have borne the keys of Simonie. Against
win mi, tfood people, we must preach and teach unto you. For
we cannot come to them, it is great pitie: they have sore
>landered the blood of Christ.

" The people have used foolishly of late, pilgrimages, which for
them had been better if they had been at home.

" Many have made certaine vowes, which be not possible for
them to fulfill, and those nothing meritorious.

" The preachers before this have been antichrists, and now it
hath pleased our Saviour Christ, to shew their false errours, and
to teach another way and manner of the holy gospell of Christ,
to the comfort of your soules.

" I trust that there shall and will come other besides me 4. which
shall shew and preach to you the same faith and maner of
living, that I do shew and preach to you, which is the verie true
gospell of our Saviour Christ, and the mind of the holy Fathers,
whereby you shall be brought from their errours, wherein you
have been long seduced : for before this, there have been many
that have slandered you, and the gospell of our Saviour Christ,
of whom spake our Saviour, Matth. 18. Qui scandalizaverit unum
de pusillis istis, qui in me credit" &c.

These and many other such like depositions were dep.-s< -d
lost him by the deponents and witnesses before sworn e. which
\\holly to recite, would he too long and tedious : wherefore :
shall MiHi.-e at thi> time, being the principall matters, and in
maner the effect of all the r

The fourth day of December, the bishop of London with the
ether bishops his assistants assembled ngaine in the chapter
house of Westminster; whither also master Bilney was brought.

4 Will come other besides me.'] Thus it was objected also against Thomas
Arthur, Bilney's friend and companion in these examinations, that he said,
" Good people, if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the p

"), yet there are seven thousand more that would preach the gospel of

iis I do now. Therefore good people, good people, (which words he

rehearsed, as it were lamenting) thinke not that if these tyrants and

persecutors put a man to death, the prearhini? of the gospel therefore is to he

forsaken."— This article he confessed that lie spake in like words and sense,

saving that he made no mention of tyrants. Fox's Ac's, p. 911.

THOMAS B1LNEY. 21

and was exhorted and admonished to abjure and recant : who
answered, that he would stand to his conscience. — Then the
bishop of London with the other bishops, ex qfficio, did publish
the depositions of the witnesses, with his articles and answeres,
commanding that they should be read. That done, the bishop
exhorted him againe to deliberate with himselfe, whether he
would returne to the church, and renounce his opinions or no,
and bad him to depart into a void place, and there to deliberate
with himselfe. Which done, the bishop asked him againe if he
would returne. Who answered ; Fiat justitia, et judicium in
nomine Domini: and being divers times admonished to abjure,
he would make no other answere, but, Fiat justitia, &c. And,
Hcec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus et Icetemur in ea,
Psalm 118. Then the bishop, after deliberation, putting off his
cap, said ; In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen.
Exurgat Deus et dissipentur inimici ejus : and making a crosse
on his forehead and his brest, by the counsell of the other
bishops, he gave sentence against master Bilney, being there
present, in this maner.

"I, by the consent and counsell of my brethren heere present,
do pronounce thee, Thomas Bilney, who hast been accused of
divers articles, to be convict of heresie ; and for the rest of the
sentence, we take deliberation till to morrow."

The fifth day of December the bishops assembled there againe ;
before whom Bilney was brought, whom the bishop asked if he
would yet returne to the unitie of the church, and revoke his
heresies which he had preached. Whereupon Bilney answered,
" that he would not be a slander to the gospell, trusting that he
was not separat from the church ; and that, if the multitude of
witnesses might be credited, he might have thirtie men of honest
life on his part, against one to the contrarie brought in against
him :" which witnesses, the bishop said came too late ; for after
publication, they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney
alleaging the storie of Susanna and Daniel, the bishop of London
still exhorted him to returne to the unity of the church, and to
abjure his heresies, and permitted him to go into some secret
place there to consult with his friends, till one of the clocke
at the afternoone, of the same day.

At afternoone, the bishop of London againe asked him whether
he would returne to the church and acknowledge his heresies.

22 THOMAS BILNEY.

Bilney answered, that he trusted he was not separat from the
church, and required time and place to bring in witnesses : which
was refused. Then the bishop once againe required of him
whether he would turne to the catholicke church. Whereunto
hee answered, that if they could teach and proove sufficiently that
hee was convict, he would yeeld and submit himselfe, and desired
againe to have time and space to bring in againe his refi
witnesses; and other answers he would give none.

Then the bishop put master Bilney aside, and took counsel
within his fellowes ; and afterward calling in master Bilney, asked
him againe whether he would abjure: but he would make no
other aiiMvere than before. Then the bishop with the consent of
the rest, did decree and determine that it was not lawfull toheare
a petition which was against the law; and inquiring againe
whether he would abjure, hee answered plainely, no, and desired
to have time to consult with his friends in whom his trust v
and being once againe asked whether he would returne, and
instantly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read;
lie required the bishop to give him licence to deliberate with
himselfe untill the next morrow, whether he might abjure the
heresies wherewith hi; was defamed, or no. The bishop granted
him, that hee should have a little time to deliberate with master
Dancaster : but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to
consult with master Farmar and master Dancaster. But the
bishop would not grant him his request, for feare lest he should
app'-ale. Hut at the last, the bishop inclining unto him, granted
him two nights ivspit to deliberate: that is to say, till Saturday
at nine of the clocke afore noone, and then to give a plainc d<
ininate answere. what he would doe in the premisses.

The seventh day of December, in the yeere and place aforesaid,
the bishop of London, with the other hi>hops bein«r assembl-d.
Bilney also personallie appeared. Whom the bishop of London
asked, whether he would now returne to the unitie of the church,
and revoke the errors and heresies whereof he stood :icci,

. and convicted. Who answered, that now he wa> per-
swaded by master Daneaster and other his friends, he would
submit himselfe, trusting that they \\ould deal.- <_rentlie with him,
both in his abjuration, and penanre. Then he desired that he
mi^ht read his abjuration ; which the bishop -/rant ed. When he
had read the same secretly by him>eli;>. and \\.is returned, b.

THOMAS BILNEY. 23

demanded what he would doe in the premisses, he answered,
that he would abjure 5 and submit himselfe ; and there openly
read his abjuration, and subscribed it, and delivered it to the
bishop, which then did absolve him : and for his penance en-
joyned him, that he should abide in the prison, appointed by the
cardinall, till he were by him released : and moreover the next
clay he should goe before the procession, in the cathedrall church
of S. Paul, bare-headed, with a fagot on his shoulder, and should
stand before the preacher at Pauls Crosse, all the sermon time.

To the Reverend Father in Christ, Cuthbert, Bishop of London ,
Thomas Bilney wisheth health in Christ, with all submission due
unto such a prelate.

" In this behalfe (most reverend father in Christ) I thinke
myselfe most happie, that it is my chance to be called to exami-
nation before your reverence, for that you are of such wisdom

5 That he would abjure.~\ This abjuration is printed from bishop Tonstall's
Register, by Collier, in his Eccles. History, vol. ii. p. 25, as follows :

"In the name of God, Amen. I, Thomas Bilney, priest, before you, right
rev. father in God, confessing and knowledging the true catholick and apos-
tolick faith of holy church, intend by the grace of God, hereafter ever to per-
severe and abide in the true doctrine of holy church, and to detest and
abjure all manner of heresies and articles following, whereupon I am now
defamed, noted, vehemently suspected, and convicted ; that it is to say, that
men should pray only to God, and to no saints. Item, that Christian men
ought to worship God and no saints. Item, that Christian men ought to set
up no lights before images of saints. Item, that men do not well to go on
pilgrimages. Item, that man in no wise can merit by his own deeds. Item,
that miracles daily shewed, be wrought by the devil by the sufferance of God.
Item, that no pope has such power and authority as Peter had, except he be
of like purity of life and perfection as Peter was. And in these articles, and
in all other, I here expressly consent unto our mother the holy church of
Rome, and the apostolick doctrine of the same, and both in mouth and heart
make knowledge, that whosoever hereafter doth preach, teach, or affirm, any
of these articles, or any other heresies, contrary to the determination of the
holy church, is worthy to be excluded from the communion of the same. And
in case hereafter I do teach, preach, hold, or affirm any of these foresaid
heresies, or any other, contrary to the determination of holy church, which
by the grace of God I intend never to do, then I shall submit myself to the
correction of my ordinary, according to the holy canons : and for these my
trespasses and offences, I desire of you penance, which I promise by these
holy evangelists and contents of this book by me bodily touched, truly to do,
observe and fulfil. In witness whereof, to this my present abjuration, I have
subscribed my name with my hand, and set to the sign of the cross."

24 THOMAS BILNEY.

and learning, of such integritie of life (which all men doe con-
fesse to be in you) that even your selfe cannot chuse (if yee doe
not too lightly esteeme Gods gifts in you) as often as you shall
remember the great things which God hath done unto you, but
straightwaii's secretly in your heart, to his high praise, say : He
thut Is might'w hath done great things unto me, and holy is his name.
I i Joyce, that I have now happened upon such a judge, and
with all my heart give thanks unto God, which ruleth all things.
" And albeit (God is my witnesse) I know not my selfe guiltie
of any errour in my sermons, neither of any heresie or sedition,
which divers doe slander mee of, seeking rather their owne lucre
and advantage, than the health of soules; notwithstanding I doe
exceedingly rejoyce, that it is foreseene by Gods divine provi-
dence, that I should bee brought before the tribunall seat of
Tonstall, who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never
be wanting Jannes and Jambres, which will resist the truth ;
that there shall never bee lacking some Elymas ', which will goe
about to subvert the straight waies of the Lord ; and finallie,
that some Demetrius, Pithonisse, Balaams, Nicolaites, Cains,
and Ismaels, will be alwaies at hand, which will greedilie hunt
and seeke after that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not
that which pertaineth to Jesus Christ. How can it then bee,
that they can suffer Christ to be truelie and sincerelie preached i
For if the people begin once whollie in every place, to put their
confidence in Christ, which was for them crucified, then strai^ht-
s that which they have hitherto imbraced instead of Christ
shall utterly decay in the hearts of the faithfull. Then they shall
understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but
tin- kingdome of God to bee in themselves. Then shall they
plainely see that the father is not to be worshipped, neither in
the mount of Samaria, neither at Hierusalem, Imt in all pla
in spirit and truth. Which thing if it come once to passe, the
beasts of the field will thinke all their gain and lucre lost. In
whom the saying of K/ediiel (Ezech. 34.) is fulfilled; My slieepe
are dispersed because they had no shepheard, and a/ d of

the leasts of the field, and straied abroad. My flocke hath • /
and waii" mountaine, and upon r/v/y/ high hill, a*

dispersed il <,,-,,, mut <dl t/ir earth, and there is no man u-/<ic/t hath
sought to gather them together : no, there was no man which once

• Some Elymat.'] Actt, chap. 13. Pythonissa. Acts 16. Nicolaitae.
Apoc. 2.

THOMAS BILNEY. 25

sought after them. But if any man would seeke to reduce those
which were gone astray into the fold of Christ, that is, the unitie
of faith ; by and by, there rise up certaine against him, which
are named pastors, but indeed are wolves, which seeke no other
thing of their flocke, but the milke, wooll, and fell, leaving both
their owne soules, and the soules of their flocke unto the divell.

" These men, I say, rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out,
This hereticke disswadeth and seduceth much people every where,
saying, That they are not gods, which are made with hands, (Acts
19.) These are they, these I say (most reverend father) are
they, which under the pretence of persecuting heretikes, follow
their owne licentious life : enemies unto the crosse of Christ,
which can suffer and beare any thing rather, than the sincere
preaching of Christ crucified for our sinnes. These are they
unto whom Christ threatneth eternall damnation, where he saith,
Woe ~bee unto you scribes, pharisees, and hypocrites, which shut up
the king dome of heaven before men, and you yourselves enter not in,
neither suffer those which would enter to come in. These are they
which have come in another way, to the charge of soules, as it
appeareth. For if any man (saith Christ) come in ly me, he shall
le saved, and shall come in and goe out, and find pasture, (John
10.) These men doe not find pasture (for they never teach) and
draw others after them, that they should enter by Christ, which
alone is the doore, whereby wee must come unto the Father : but
set before the people another way 7, perswading them to come

7 Set before the people another way.~] This is illustrated by a passage from
another letter of Bilney to bishop Tonstal. " But here, whether Christ have
been a long time heard, I know not, for that I have not heard all the preachers
of England ; and if I had heard them, yet til it was within this yeere or two,
I could not sufficiently judge of them. But this I dare be bold to affirme,
that as many as I have heard of late preach, (I speake even of the most
famous) they have preached such repentance, that if I had heard such
preachers of repentance in times past, I should utterlie have been in despaire.
And to speak of one of those famous men (not uttering his name) : after he
had sharpely inveighed against vice, wherein he pleased every godly man,
forsomuch as it could not bee sufficientlie cried out upon, hee concluded ;
Behold, (said he) thou hast lien rotten in thine owne lusts, by the space of these
sixty yeeres, even as a beast in his owne dung, and wilt thou presume in one
yeere to go forward toward heaven, and that in thine age, as much as thou
wentest backwards from heaven towards hell in sixty yeeres ? Is not this think
you a goodly argument ? Is this the preaching of repentance in the name of
Jesus ? Or rather, to tread downe Christ with Anti-Christ's doctrine ? For
what other thing did he speak in effect, than that Christ died in vaine for

2G THOMAS BILNEY.

unto God through good works, oftentimes speaking nothing at
all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gaine and lucre,
than the salvation of soules : in this point being worse than they
which upon Christ being the foundation, doe build wood, hay,
and straw. These men confesse that they know Christ, but by
their deeds they deny him.

" These are those physitions, upon whom that woman which
was tw<-l\e y ceres vexed with the bloudie flixe, had consumc'd all
that shee had, and felt no helpe, but was still worse and worse,
untill such time as at the last shee came unto Christ, and after
had once touched the hem of his vesture, through faith, shee
was so healed, that by and by she felt the same in her bodie. — O
i nightie power of the Highest ! which I also miserable sinner have
often tasted and felt. Which before that I could come unto
Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant
physitions, that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession, so that
there was but small force of strength left in me, (which of nature
was but weake) small store of mony, and very little wit or under-
standing : for they appointed mee fastings, watching, buying of
pardons, and masses: in all which things (as I now understand)
they sought rather their owne gaine, than the salvation of my
sicke and languishing soule.

" But at the last I heard speake of Jesus, even then when the
new Testament was first set forth8 by Erasmus. Which when I
understood to be eloquently done by him, being allured rather for
the Latine. than for the word of God, (for at that time, I knew
not what it meant) I bought it, even by the providence of (iod,
as I doe now wel understand and perceive : and at the first
r< ailing, as I well remember, I chanced upon this sentence of
Saint Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soule !)
in his first epistle to Timothy and first chapter; //
saying aid //•<;/ M/V of all men to be imlraced, that Christ Jesus
came i/>f<> flu' world to save sinners, of whom I am t/« <•'

!f. This one sentence, through (Jods instruction and

inuard working, which 1 did not then pi-rceive. did so exhilarate

art, heiiio- l.d'nre wounded with the guilt of my shines, and

He will not be thy Jesus or Saviour: tlmu must make satisfaction for

I els,- ill,, 11 shn '| Acts, j>. 918.

irgt set forth.] In LSIfl thr (ireek Text of tin- N« \v '1 estament " was
first set forth" by Krasmus, but Bilney here alludes evidently to Erasmus'
Para; .ich wu8 first printed in i:>j 1.

THOMAS BILNEY. 27

being almost in despaire, that immediately I felt a marvellous
comfort and quietnesse, insomuch, that my brused bones leapt for
joy, (Psalm 50.)

" After this, the scripture began to be more pleasant unto me
than the honie or the honie comb : wherein I learned that all my
travels, all my fasting and watching, all the redemption of masses
and pardons, being done without truth in Christ, which onelie
saveth his people from their sinnes : these, I say, I learned to be
nothing else but even (as S. Augustine saith) a hastie and swift
running out of the right way ; or else much like to the vesture
made of fig leaves, wherwithall Adam and Eve went about in
vaine, to cover them ; and could never before obtaine quietnesse
and rest, untill they beleeved in the promise of God, that Christ
the seed of the woman, should tread upon the serpents head.
Neither could I be relieved or eased of the sharpe stings and bitings
of my sinnes, before that I was taught of God that lesson, which
Christ speaketh of in the third chapter of John ; Even as Hoses
exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the Son of man be exalted ;
that all which beleeve on him should not perish, but have life ever-

" As soone as (according to the measure of grace given unto
me of God) I began to tast and savour of this heavenly lesson,
which no man can teach but onely God, which revealed the same
unto Peter ; I desired the Lord to increase my faith. And at
last, I desired nothing more, than that I being so comforted by
him, might be strengthened by his holy Spirit and grace from
above, that I might teach the wicked his waies, which are
mercie and truth, and that the wicked might be converted unto
him by me, which sometime was also wicked. Which thing,
whilest that with all my power I did endevour, before my lord
cardinall and your fatherhood Christ was blasphemed in me, (and
this is my onelie comfort in these my afflictions) whom with my
whole power I do teach and set forth, being made for us by God
his father, our wisdome, righteousnesse, sanctification and redemp-
tion, and finally, our satisfaction. Who was made sinne for us,
(that is to say, a sacrifice for sinne) that we through him should be
made the righteousnesse of God. Who became accursed for us, to
redeeme us from the curse of the law : Who also came not to call
the righteous, but sinners to repentance ; the righteous (I say)
which falslie judge and thinke themselves so to be ; (for all
men have sinned and lacke the glory of God ; wherby he freely

28 THOMAS BILXEY.

forgiveth sins unto al beleevers, through the redemption which is in
Christ Jesus) because that all mankind was grievouslie wounded
in him which fell amongst theeves betweene Jerusalem and
Jericho.

" And therefore with al my whole power, I teach that al men
should first acknowledge their sinnes and condemne them, and
afterward hunger and thirst for that righteousnesse, whereof St.
Paul speaketh ; (Rom. 3.) The righteousnesse o/ God by faith in
Jesus Christ, is upon all them which beleeve in him, for there is no
difference, all have sinned, and lacke the glory of God, and are
///.</ 1 tied freely through his grace, by the redemption which is 'm
Jesus Christ. The which, whosoever doth hunger or thirst for,
without doubt, they shall at the length so be satisfied, that they
shall not hunger and thirst for ever.

•• Hut forsomuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to bee
quenched with the fulnesse of mans righteousnesse, which is
wrought through the faith of our owne elect and chosen works,
as pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and
chosen fasts, and oftentimes superstitious, and finallie all kind of
voluntarie devotions (as they call them 9) against the which (Jnds
word speaketh plainelie in the fourth of Deuteronomy and in the
twelfth, saying, Thou shalt not doe that which seemeth good
thy selfe, but that which I command thee for to doe, that doe t/ajtr,
neither adding to, neither diminishing any thing from it : therefore
I say, oftentimes have I spoken of those workes, not condemning
them (as God I take to my witnesse) but reprooving their al
making the lawfull use of them manifest, even unto children;
exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they be ing
>ati-tied therewith, should loath or wax wearie of Christ, as many
doe. In whom I bid your fatherhood most prosperouslie well to
I a re.

"And this is the whole summe. If you will appoint me to dilate
more at large the things here touched, I will not refuse to doe it,
so that yon will grant me time: for to doe it out of hand. 1 am
not able for the weaknesse of my body; being readie alwaies if I
have erred in any thing, to bee better instructed. "

After his abjuration made, about the yeere of our Lord 1 ."

' Voluntarie devotions (as they call them).~\ " Voluntary works besides, over
and al><>ve (Joel's commandments, which they call works of supererogation,"
&c. < 'liurch of Knglund.

THOMAS BILNEY. 29

the said Bilney took such repentance and sorrow, that he was
neere the point of utter despaire ; as by the words of M. Latimer,
is crediblie testified ; whose words for my better discharge, I
thought heere to annexe, written in his seventh sermon preached
before K. Edward, which be these :

" I knew a man my selfe, Bilney, little Bilney, that blessed
martyr of God, who what time he had borne his fagot, and was
come againe to Cambridge, had such conflicts within himselfe
(beholding this image of death) that his friends were afraid to
let him be alone. They were faine to be with him day and night,
and comfort him as they could, but no comforts would serve.
And as for the comfortable places of scripture, to bring them
unto him, it was as though a man should run him thorow the heart
with a sword. — Yet afterward for all this, he was revived and
tooke his death patientlie, and died well against the tyrannicall
see of Rome."

Againe, the said M. Latimer speaking of Bilney in another of
his sermons preached in Lincolnshire, hath these words following ;
" That same M. Bilney, which was burnt here in England for
Gods words sake, was induced and perswaded by his friends to
beare a fagot at the time when the Cardinall was aloft, and bare
the swinge. Now when the same Bilney came to Cambridge
again, a whole yeere after, he was in such an anguish and agonie,
that nothing did him good, neither eating nor drinking, nor any
other communication of Gods word : for he thought that all the
whole scriptures were against him, and sounded to his condem-
nation. So that I many a time communed with him (for I was
familiarlie acquainted with him) but al things whatsoever any
man could alleage to his comfort, seemed unto him to make
against him. Yet for all that, afterward he came againe ; God
indued him with such strength and perfectnes of faith, that he
not only confessed his faith in the gospell of our saviour Jesus
Christ, but also suffered his bodie to be burned for that same
gospels sake, which we now preach in England."

Furthermore, in the first sermon of the said M. Latimer before
the dutches of Suffolke 10, hee yet speaking more of Bilney, infer-

10 Dutches of Suffolke.'] Katharine, daughter and heir of William, lord
"Willoughby of Eresby, and fourth and last wife of Charles Brandon, duke
of Suffolk. She remarried Richard Bertie, and their issue became dukes of
Ancaster, earls of Lindsey, and earls of Abingdon. See " Five Generations
of a Loyal House," by the lady Georgina Bertie. The duchess of Suffolk
lived at Grimesthorpe in Lincolnshire.

30 THOMAS BILNEY.

reth as folio we th ; " Here I have (saith he) occasion to tell you a
storie which happened at Cambridge. M. Bilney, or rather St.
Bilney. that suffered death for Gods words sake, the same Bilney
the instrument whereby God called me to knowledge. For
I may thanke him next to God, for that knowledge that I have in
the word of God. For I was an obstinate papist as any was
in England : insomuch that when I should be made bacheler of
divinitie, my whole oration went against Philip Melancthon and
against his opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and per-
r< ived that I was zealous without knowledge, and came to me
afterward in my studie, and desired me for Gods sake to heare
his confession. I did so : and (to say the truth) by his confes-
sion I learned more " than afore in many yeeres. So from that
time forward I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the
schoole-doctors and such fooleries." And much more hee hath
of the same matter, which yee may see hereafter in the life of
master Latimer.

By this it appeareth how vehementlie this good man was
pierced with sorrow and remorse for his abjuration, the space
almost of two yeeres, that is, from the yeere 1 529, to the yeere
1531. It followed then that he by Gods grace l and good coun-

11 / learned more.] See Index, under Confessions, private.

In his Conferences with Ridley, Latimer gives us the following good-
humoured account of this affair. " Sir, I begin now to smell what you
meane. By travelling thus with mee, you use me as Bilney did once, when
he converted me. Pretending as though hee would be taught of me, he
sought waies and meanes to teach me; — and so do you. I thank you there-
fore most heartilie."

1 He by Gods grace."] There is another passage, which, beyond doubt,
relates to Bilney. I give it therefore here : not, however, merely on that account,
but also for its intrinsic importance and value; inasmuch as it records a very
tig and instructive case in moral and pastoral theology.

" What is this same sinne agaynst the Holy Ghost? an horrible sinne that
never shal be forgiven, neyther in this worlde, nor in the worlde to come.
What is this sinne ? For all impenitencie, and (some saye) impugning of the
truth.

•One came to me once, that dispayred, because of sinne agaynst the Holy
Ghost. He was sore troubled in his conscience, that he should be damned,
and that it was not possible for him to be saved. I sayd to him ; AVhat. man,
((juotli \i comfort yourself in these worries of the apostle, Christtts est pro-
jutintio pro peccatis nostris. And agayne; My Father hath for thy.s pur

M into the worlde, that be \vhirhe beleveth in me may not perish, but
may have the life everlastyng. Also, in what houre soever the sinner shall
mourne for sinne, he shall be saved. I had scriptures enough for me, as I
thought : but say what I coulde say, he could more agaynst himselfe, that I

THOMAS BILNEY. 31

sell, came at length to some quiet of conscience, being fullie re-
solved to give over his life for the confession of that truth, which
before hee had renounced. And thus being fully determined in
his mind, and setting his time, hee tooke his leave in Trinitie
Hall at ten of the clocke at night, of certaine of his friends, and

could saye at that time to do him good withal ... I was fayne to take
another day, and did so. Let me goe to my booke (quoth I), and goe you to
your prayers, for ye are not altogether without fayth. I got me to my
studye : I read many doctours, but none could content me ; no expositour
could please me, nor satisfie my minde in the matter. And it was with me as
it is with a scholer of Cambridge, who beyng demaunded of his tutour howe
he understoode his lesson, and what it meant ; I know (quoth he) what it
meaneth, but I cannot tell it; I cannot expresse it. So I understoode it well
enough, but I could not well declare it. Neverthelesse I will bungle at it as
well as I can.

" Now, to tell you, by the way, what sinne it was that he had committed : he
had fallen from the trueth knowne. And afterward he fell to mocking and
scorning of it. And this sinne it was that he thought to be unforgiveable.
I sayd unto him, that it was a vehement manner of speaking in scripture :
yet (quoth I) this is not spoken universally; nor it is not ment that God doth
never forgive it ; but it is commonly called irremissible, unforgiveable ;
because that God doth seldome forgive it. But yet there is no sinne so great,
but God may forgive it, and doth forgive it to the repentant heart, though in
wordes it sound that it shall never be forgiven. As Privilegium paucorum non
destruit regulam unwersalem; the priviledge of a fewe persons doth not destroy
an universal rule. For the scripture sayth, Omnes moriemur, we shall dye
every one of us : yet some shall be rapt and taken away, as S. Paule sayth.
An irremissible sinne, an unexcusable sinne, yet to hym that will truely
repent, it is forgiveable ; in Christ it may be remitted. If there be no more
but one man forgiven ye may be that same one man. Where iniquity hath
abounded there shall grace abound. Thus, by little and little, this man came
to a settled conscience agayne, and tooke comfort in Christes mercy. There-
fore despayre not, though it be sayd it shall never be forgiven. Despaire
not : but this one thing I say, Beware of this sin that ye fall not into it. For
I have knowne no more but this man, this one man, that hath fallen from
the truth, and hath afterward repented, and come to grace agayne. I have
knowne many since: God hath opened myne eyes to see a little: I have
knowne many (I say) that knew more than I, and some whom I have hon-
ored, that have afterwardes fallen from the truth ; but never one of them,
this man except, that have returned to grace, and to the truthe agayne. . . .

"And thus I gather of this irremissible sinne agaynst the Holie Ghost,
that the scripture sayth, It is never forgiven, because it is seldom forgiven.
For indeede I think that there is no sinne, whiche God doth so seldome, nor
so hardly forgive, as this sinne of falling away from the truth, after that a
man once knoweth it. And indeede this tooke best place with the man that
I have told you of, and best quitted his conscience." — Last Ssrmon before
K. Edward, fol. 113,4.

32 THOMAS BILXEY.

said that he would goe to Jerusalem : alluding belike to the
words and example of Christ in the gospell going up to Jerusa-
lem, what time hee was appointed to suffer his passion. And so
Bilney meaning to give over his life for the testimonie of Christs
gospel, told his friends that he would goe up to Jerusalem, and
so would see them no more ; and immediatly departed to North-
folke, and there preached first privilie in housholds to confirme
the brethren and sisters, and also to confirme the anchresse2
whom ho had converted to Christ. Then preached he openly in
the fields, confessing his fact, and preaching publikely that doc-
trine, (which he before had abjured,) to be the very truth, and
willed all men to beware by him, and never to trust to their
fleshly friends in causes of religion. And so setting forward in
his journey toward the celestiall Jerusalem, he departed from
thence to the anchresse in Norwich, and there gave her a New
Testament of Tindals translation, and the Obedience 3 of a Chris-
tian man ; whereupon he was apprehended and carried to prison
there to remaine, till the blind bishop 4 Nixe sent up for a writ to
burne him.

In the meane season, the friers and religious men, with the
residue of their doctors, civil and canon, resorted to him, busilie
labouring to perswade him not to die in those opinions, saying,
he should be damned bodie and soule, if hee so continued. Among
whom, first were sent to him of the bishop, doctour Call, minister,
(as they call him) or provinciall of the Gray friers, and doctor
Stokes, an Augustine frier, who lay with him in prison in dispu-
tation, till the writ came that he should be burned. Dm-tmir
( 'all. by the word of God, through the meanesof Milncy's doctrine.

a The anchresse.] " And being there " (at Norwich) " secretly kept by a
certayne space, he had in the whyle resorte unto an ancresse, and there 1
secretly to sow his cockle, and brought unto her divers of Tindalles bookes."
Sir Thomas More's ll'orks, p. 349. "In Speed's ground plan of Richmond,
dated 1610, is a place marked as the * Anchriche,' or abode of an an-
choress. This was an institution of ancient date and long continuance here,
though the situation was much too public for retirement at all, and too un-
ronlined for the retirement of a female." It was, in fact, in the centre of the
town. See Whittaker's Hist, of Richmondshire, vol. i. p. 100.

3 The Obedience.] A valuable treatise by Tindal. See his H 'orks, p. 97—
183. fol.

4 The blind bishop] " Kpiscopus Norvicensis, Kicardus Nixus, coccus, n

jiie oculo captus; nee interim anitno minus quarn corpore lusciosus."

I r,,py. p. 124.

THOMAS BILNEY. S3

and good life, whereof hee had good experience, was somewhat
reclaimed to the gospels side. Doctor -Stokes remained obdurate,
and doth yet to this day ; whose heart also the Lord, if it bee his
will, reforme, and open the eies of his old age, that he may for-
sake the former blindnes of his youth ! Another great doer
against him was one Frier Bird, with one eie, provinciall of the
white friers. This Bird 5 was a suffragane in Coventrie, and after,
bishop of Chester, and was he that brought apples to Boner, men-
tioned 6 in the storie of Hawkes. Another was a blacke frier,
called Hodgekins, who after, being under the archbishop of Can-
turburie, married ; and afterward in Queen Maries time, put away
his wife. These foure orders of Friers were sent (as is said) to
bait Bilney ; who notwithstanding, as he had planted himselfe
upon the firme rocke of Gods word, was at a point and so conti-
nued unto the end.

5 This Bird.] John Bird, bishop of Bangor in 1539; translated to Chester
in 1541 ; deprived by queen Mary in 1553; died in 1556. He was the last
prior of the Carmelites in England.

6 Brought apples to Boner, mentioned.'] " The next daie came thither an old
bishop, who had a pearle in his eye, and hee brought with him to my lord a
dish of apples, and a bottle of wine : for he had lost his living, because he
had a wife." Fox's Acts, p. 1442. Bird was deprived in the beginning of
the reign of queen Mary, being a married ecclesiastic ; upon which he con-
formed to the old religion. — Whether Fox means that there was any further
mystery in these apples which he brought along with him, I am not able to
say with confidence. But perhaps they might be a-kin to a very choice stock,
mentioned in one of his sermons by old Latimer. " There was a patron in
England that had a benefice fallen into his hand ; and a good brother of mine
came unto him and brought him thirty apples in a dish, and gave them to his
man to carry them to his master. It is like he gave one to his man for his
labour, to make up the game; and so there was thirty-one. This man
commeth to his mayster, and presented him with the dish of apples, saying,
Syr, such a man hath sent you a dish of fruite, and desireth you to be good
unto him for such a benefice. Tush ! tush ! (quoth he) this is no apple matter.
I will none of his apples. I have as good as these, or as he hath any, in mine
owne orchard. The man came to the priest agayne, and told him what his
maister said. Then quoth the priest, Desire him yet to prove one of them for
my sake, he shall finde them much better than they looke for. He cut one
of them ; and found ten pieces of gold in it. Mary, quoth he, this is a good
apple. The priest standing not farre off, hearing what the gentleman sayd,
cryed out and answered, They are all one apples, I warrant you Syr; they
grew all on one tree, and have all one taste. Well he is a good fellow : let
him have it, quoth the patron, &c. — Get you a graft of thys tree, and I war-
rant you it shall stande you in better stede than all S. Paules learning."
Latimer's fifth Sermon before King Edward, fol. 65. Edit. 1584.

VOL. II. D

34 THOMAS BILNEY.

But here now commeth in sir Thomas More 7 trumping in our
way, with his painted card 8, and would needs take up this Thomas
Bilney from us, and make him a convert after his sect. Thus
these coated cardes, though they could not by plaine scriptures
convince him being alive, yet now after his death by false play
they will make him theirs whether he will or no. This sir Thomas
More in his railing preface before his booke against Tindal, doth
challenge Bilney to his catholike church, and saith, that not
onely at the fire, but many daies before both in words and writing,
he revoked, abhorred, and detested his heresies before holden.

Be it granted that Bilney at his death, did hold with the
masse, with confession, and with the authoritie of the Romish
church, being an humble spirited man, and yet no further brought9 :
yet all this notwithstanding proveth not that he recanted. For
so much as he never held nor taught any thing before against the
premisses, therefore he could not recant that which he never did
hold.

The whole summe of his preaching and doctrine proceeded
chiefely against idolatrie, invocation of saints, vaine worship of
images, false trust to mens merits, and such other grosse points
of religion, as seemed prejudiciall and derogatorie to the blood of
our Saviour Jesus Christ. As touching the masse, and sacrament
of the altar, as he never varied from himselfe, so he never differed
therein from the most grossest catholikes. And as concerning
his opinion of the church of Rome, how blind it was at that time.
may sufficiently appeare by his own answeres in time of his abju-
ration, written with his owne hand in Latine, which I have to
shew, as followeth1: "Credo plerasque leges pontificias utiU-s
esse, necessarias et ad pietatem quoque plurimum promovenus.

7 Commeth in sir Thomas More.'] See preface to the Confutation ofTyndales
Answer -e. Works, p. 349, 50. Also, p. 587.

8 With his painted card.] See Life of bishop Latimer, p. 452, and the
notes there. This evidently alludes to Latimer's Card Sermon.

9 No further brought.] This was in the natural course of things; that the
emancipation from long established errors, both in the cases of individuals,
and in the general mind of the community, should be progressive and gradual.
It was not till several years after the date here alluded to, that even Cranmcr
himself was " brought " to forsake the mass, &c.

1 As followeth.] These are the same as are given above in English, p. 11.
Answer to 3d Art. But, whether there is so much blindness, and gross
ignorance, in these particular citations, as Fox pretends, may, perhaps, be
justly doubted.

THOMAS BILNEY. 35

nee sacris scripturis repugnantes, imo ab omnibus plurimum obser-
vandas, &c. De omnibus non possum pronunciare, utpote quas
non legi ; et quas legi nunquam in hoc legi, ut reprehenderem, sed
ut discerem intelligere, ac pro virili facere, et docere. De multipli-
citate legum questus est suo tempore S. Augustinus, et item
Gersonus, qui miratur quomodo nos, post lapsum, inter tot laqueos
Constitutionum tuti esse possimus, quum primi parentes adhuc
puri, et ante lapsum, unicum prseceptum non observarint."

Moreover, concerning the authoritie of the keyes, thus he
writeth, answering to his twelfth article ; " Soli sacerdotes ordi-
nati rite per pontifices habent claves, quarum virtute ligant et
solvunt (clave non errante), quod et facere eos non dubito, quam-
libet sint peccatores. Nam Sacramentorum efficaciam non
minuit2, nedum tollit, ministrorum indignitas, quamdiu ab Ecclesia
tolerantur," &c.

By these words of Bilney written by him in Latine, although
it may be thought how ignorant and grosse he was after the rude-
nesse of those daies, yet by the same notwithstanding it may
appeare, how falsely he is noted and slandered to have recanted
the articles, which he did never hold or mahitaine otherwise in all
his life. And therefore (as I said) though it be granted that
Bilney was assoiled, was confessed, and houseled3 before his
burning, yet all this argueth not that he recanted.

Now for testimonie and witnesse of this matter, to be produced,
for so much as master More alleageth none to prove that Bilney
at his death did recant ; I will assaye what testimonies I have on
the contrarie side, to avouch and prove that Bilney did not
recant.

And for so much as Bilney was a Cambridge man, and the first
framer of that universitie in the knowledge of Christ, and was

2 Non minuit.'] See Art. XXVI. of the Church of England. " Of the unwor-
thiness of the ministers, which hinders not the effect of the sacrament." See
also above, Life of Wickliffe, vol. i. p. 214, note.

3 Houseled.'] Had the eucharist administered to him as to a person in danger.

" So it be doen in due manere,
A man to houselin and to shrive."

Chaucer's Plowman's Tale.
" A priest, a priest, Sir Aldingar,

While I am a man alive ;
A priest, a priest, Sir Aldingar,
Me for to housle and shrive."

Old Ballad of Sir Aldingar y in Percy's Reliques.
D 2

36 THOMAS BILNEY.

burned at Norwich, being not very far distant from Cambridge ;
there is no doubt, but among so many friends as he had in that
universitie, some went thither to heare, and see him. Of whom
one was Thomas Allen, fellow then of Pembroke Hall, who
returning the same time from Bilneyes burning, declared to doctor
Turner, deane of Wels, being yet alive, (a man whose authoritie
neither is to be neglected, nor credit to be distrusted) that the
said Bilney tooke his death most patiently, and suffered most
constantly, without any recantation, for the doctrine which he
before had professed.

In the citie of Norwich, Necton and many other be now
departed, which were then present at the burning of Bilney:
neverthelesse some be yet alive, whose witnesses, if need were, I
could fetch with a little labour, and will (God willing) as time
shall require. In the meane time, at the writing hereof, heere
was one Thomas Russell, a right honest occupier, and a citizen of
Norwich, who likewise being there present on horsebacke at the
execution of this godly man, beholding all things that were done,
did neither heare him recant any word, nor yet heard of his re-
cantation.

I could also adde hereunto the testimonie of another, being
brother to the archbishop of Canturburie, named master Baker 4,
a man yet alive, who being the same time present at the exami-
nation of Bilney, both heard him, and saw him, when as a certain**
frier called him heretike. Whereunto Bilney replying againe,
made answere, If I be an heretike (saith he) then are you an
antichrist, who of late have buried a certaine gentlewoman with
you in St. Francis cowle 5, assuring her to have salvation thereby.
Which fact, although the frier the same time did deny, yet this
cannot be denied, but Bilney spake these words : whereby he may
easily be judged to be far from the mind of any recantation :
according as by the said gentleman it is also testified, that after
that, he never heard of any recantation that Bilney either meant
or made.

If I should recite al, which heere might be brought, I might
sooner lacke roome in my booke to containe them, than names
enow to fill up a grand jurie. — But what need I to spend
time ;il)«»ut \\itwsse. when one master Larimer may stand for a

4 Master Bakcr.~\ John Baker, half-brother to archbishop Parker, to whom
he was treasurer.

• St. Francis cowle.'] See above, p. 15, and Index, art. St. Francis' cowl.

THOMAS BILNEY. 37

thousand, one martyr to beare witnes to another. And though
my friend Cope 6, pressing me with the authoritie of M. More,
saith, that he will beleeve him before me : yet I trust, he will not
refuse to credit this so ancient a senior, father Latimer, being
both in Bilneyes time, and also by Bilney converted, and familiarly
with him acquainted ; who being the same time at Cambridge, I
suppose would inquire as much, and could know more of this
matter, than master More.

Touching the testimoniall of which Latimer, I have noted
before, how he in three sundrie places of his sermons, hath testi-
fied of good Bilney, of that blessed Bilney, of Saint Bilney ', how he
died patiently against the tyrannicall see of Rome, &c. And in
another sermon also, how the said Bilney suffered his bodie to be
burned for the gospell sake, &c. Item, in another place, how the
said Bilney suffered death for Gods word sake.

I may be thought perhaps of some to have stayed too long
about the discourse of this matter. But the cause that moved,
and halfe constrained me thereunto, was sir Thomas More, some-
time lord chancellour of England, and now a great arch pillar of
ah1 our English papists, a man otherwise of a pregnant wit, full of
pleasant conceits, also for his learning above the common sort of
his estate, esteemed industrious no lesse in his studies than well
exercised in his pen. Who if he had kept himself in his owne
shop, and applied the facultie, (being a lay man,) whereunto he
was called, and had not overreached himselfe to prove masteries
in such matters, wherein he had little skil, lesse experience, and
which pertained not to his profession, he had deserved, not only
much more commendation, but also longer life.

But for so much as he, not contented with his owne vocation,
hath with Oza a reached out his unmeet hand to meddle with
Gods arke-matters, wherein he had little cunning ; and while he
thinketh to helpe religion, destroyeth religion, and is an utter
enemie to Christ, and to his spirituall doctrine, and his poore
afflicted church : to the intent therefore, that he being taken for
a special ringleader, and a chief stay in the popes church, might
the better be knowne what he is, and that the ignorant and
simple may see what little credit is to be given unto him, as well

6 My friend CopeJ] Dialogisex contra summi pontificis, monasticce vita, sanc-
torum, sacrarum imaginum oppugnatores et pseudomartyres. A.D. 1566. Antwerp.
The work, however, though published under Cope's name, was not written by
him, but by Nicholas Harpsfield. Tanner's Bibliotheca, Wood's Athence, &c.

» 2 Sam. vi. 6.

38 THOMAS BILNEY.

in his other false facing — out of matters, as namely in this
present historie of Bilneyes recantation : I have diligently searched
out and procured the true certificat of master Bilneyes burning,
with all the circumstances, and points thereto belonging, testified
not by somesayes and hearesayes (as master More useth) but
truely witnessed, and faithfully recorded by one r, who as in place
and degree he surmounteth the estate of master More (though
lie were lord chancellour) so being also both a spiritual person,
and there present the same time, comming for the same purpose
the day before, to see his burning, was a present beholder of
things there done, avToirr^g re KOL juaprve of his martyrdome,
whose credit I am sure will counterpease with the credit of master
More. The order of which martyrdome was this, as followed).

Thomas Bilney, after his examination and condemnation before
doctour Pelles, doctour of law and chancellour, first was degraded
by suffragan Underwood, according to the custome of their popish
manner, by the assistance of all the friers and doctours of the
same suite. Which done, hee was immediately committed to the
lay power, and to the two sheriffes of the citie, of whom Thomas
Necton was one. This Thomas Necton was Bilneyes special!
good friend, and sorie to accept him to such execution as followed.
But such was the tyrannic of that time, and dread of the chan-
cellour and friers, that he could no otherwise doe, but n
must receive him. Who notwithstanding, as he could not !>•
in his conscience himselfe to be present at his death ; so, for the
time that he was in his custodie, he caused him to be more
friendly looked unto, and more wholesomely kept, concerning his
diet, than he was before.

After this, the Friday following at night, which was before
the day of his execution, being Saint Magnus day and Satin
tin- said Hilney had divers of his friends resorting unto him in
tin- (iuildhall. where hee was kept. Amongst whom one of the
said friends findiinr him eating of an alebrew" with such a
rh'-i-ivfull heart and quiet mind as hee did, said, that he was ^lad
to see him at that time, so shortly before his heavie and painfull
departure, so heartily to refresh himselfe. Whereunto he an-
swered. " Oh," said he, " I follow the example of the husband-
men of the countrie, who having a ruinous house to dwell in, yet
is long as they may. to hold it up ; and so do I now
with this ruinous house of my bodie, and with Gods creatures, in

7 Recorded by one.'] " Dr. Parker, archbishop of Canturburie." Fox.

8 An alebrew.} An ale-posset.

THOMAS BILNEY. 39

thankes to him, refresh the same as yee see." Then sitting with
his said friends in godlie talke, to their edification, some put him
in mind, that though the fire which hee should suffer the next
day, should be of great heat unto his body, yet the comfort of
Gods Spirit should coole it to his everlasting refreshing. At this
word the said Thomas Bilney putting his hand toward the flame
of the candle burning before them (as also he did divers times
besides) and feeling the heat thereof, " 0 " (said he) " I feel by
experience, and have knowne it long by philosophic, that fire by
Gods ordinance is naturally hot ; but yet I am persuaded by
Gods holy word, and by the experience of some spoken of in the
same, that in the flame they felt no heate, and in the fire they
felt no consumption : and I constantly beleeve, that howsoever
the stubble of this my bodie shall be wasted by it, yet my soule
and spirit shall be purged thereby ; a paine for the time, whereon
notwithstanding folio weth joy unspeakable." And heere he much
entreated of this place of Scripture, (Esay 43.) Feare not, for I
have redeemed thee, and called tliee by thy name, thou art mine owne.
When thou goest thorow the water, I will be with thee, and the
strong flouds shall not overflow thee. When thou walJeest in the fire,
it shall not lurne thee, and the flame shall not kindle upon thee, for
I am the Lord thy God, the holy one of Israel. Which he did
most comfortablie entreate of, as well in respect of himselfe, as
applying it to the particular use of his friends there present, of
whom some tooke such sweet fruit therein, that they caused the
whole said sentence to be faire written in tables, and some in
their bookes. The comfort whereof (in divers of them) was never
taken from them to their dying day.

The Saturday next following, when the officers of execution
(as the maner is) with their gleaves and halberds were readie to
receive him, and to leade him to the place of execution without
the citie gate, called Bishop^s gate, in a low valley, commonly
called the Lollards pit, under Saint Leonards hill, environed
about with great hilles (which place was chosen for the peoples
quiet sitting to see the execution) at the comming forth of the
said Thomas Bilney out of the prison doore, one of his friends
came to him, and with few words, as he durst, spake to him
and prayed him in Gods behalfe, to be constant and to take his
death as patiently as he could. Whereunto the said Bilney
answered, with a quiet and milde countenance, " Ye see when
the mariner is entred his ship to saile on the troublous sea, how
he for a while is tossed in the billowes of the same, but yet in

40 THOMAS BILNEY.

hope that he shall once come to the quiet haven, he beareth in
better comfort the perils which he feeleth : so am I now toward
this sayling, and whatsoever stormes I shall feele, yet shortly
after shall my ship be in the haven ; as I doubt not thereof by
the grace of God, desiring you to helpe me with your prayers to
the same effect."

And so he going forth in the streets, giving much almes 9 by
the way, by the hands of one of his friends, and accompanied
with one doctour Warner, doctour of divinitie and parson of
Winterton, whom he did chuse as his old acquaintance, to be
with him for his ghostly comfort ; came at the last, to the place
of execution, and descended downe from the hill to the same,
apparelled in a lay mans gowne with his sleeves hanging downe.
and his armes out, his haire being pitiously mangled1 at his
degradation (a little single bodie in person, but alwaies of a
good upright countenance) and drew neere to the stake prepared,
and somewhat tarrying the preparation of the fire, hee desired

9 Giving much almes.'] " When the time and day appointed came that hee
should suffer, the shiriffes of the city with their officers and a great number of
the poore simple barbers, with rustic bills and pollaxes, went to the Northgate,
and there tooke out the said George Marsh, who came with them most
humbly and meekely, with a locke upon his feete. And as he came upon the
way towards the place of execution, some folks proffered him money, and
looked that he should have gone with a little purse in his hand (as the manner
of felons was accustomed in that citie in times past, at their going to execu-
tion, to the ende to gather money to give unto a priest to say trentals or masses
for them after their death, whereby they might, as they thought, be saved :)
but Marsh said he would not as then be troubled with medling with money,
but willed some good man to take the money, if the people were disposed to
give any, and to give it unto the prisoners, or poore people. So hee went all the
way unto his death, with his book in his hand, looking upon the same ; and
many of the people said, This man goeth not unto his death as a theife, or as
one that deserveth to die." Fox's Acts, p. 1423. Martyrdome of George Marsh.

1 His haire being pitiously mangled.] Previously to excommunication and
burning, the ecclesiastics, whether secular or religious, underwent the cere-
monial of degradation from their ecclesiastical orders, the particulars of which
varied according to the order and degree in the church to which the person
had attained. This marring of the hair, of which we shall meet with several
other instances in the progress of our history, is sufficiently illustrated by a
passage in the ceremonial of the degradation of William Sawtre, A.D. i
" Also we have caused thy crowne, and ecclesiastical tonsure in our presence
to be rased away, and utterlie to bee abolished, like unto the forme of a secu-
lar lay man : and heere doe put upon the head of thee the aforesaid William,
the cap of a lay secular person." Fox's Acts, p. 476. State Trialst vol. i.
p. 173. 8vo. 181G.

THOMAS BILNEY. 41

that hee might speake some words to the people, and there
standing, thus he said :

" Good people, I am come hither to die, and borne I was to
live under that condition, naturally to die againe ; and that ye
might testifie that I depart out of this present life as a true
Christian man in a right beleefe towards almightie God, I will
rehearse unto you in a fast faith, the articles of my Creed ;" and
then began to rehearse them in order as they be in the common
Creed, with oft elevating his eyes and hands to almightie God ;
and at the article of Christs incarnation, having a little medita-
tion in himselfe, and comming to the word crucified, he humblie
bowed himselfe and made great reverence ; and then proceeded
in the articles, and comming to these words, / leleeve the caiholike
church, there he paused and spake these words, " Good people I
must heere confesse to have offended the church, in preaching 2
once against the prohibition of the same, at a poore cure belong-
ing to Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, where I was fellow, earnestly
entreated thereunto by the curate and other good people of the
parish, shewing that they had no sermon there of long time
before : and so in my conscience moved, I did make a poore
collation unto them, and thereby ran into the disobedience of
certaine authoritie in the church by whom I was prohibited :
howbeit I trust at the generall day, charitie that moved me to
this act, shall beare me out at the judgment seat of God :" and
so he proceeded on, without any manner of words of recantation,
or charging any man for procuring him to his death.

This once done, he put off his gowne, and went to the stake,
and kneeling upon a little ledge comming out of the stake,
whereon he should afterward stand to be better seene, he made
his private prayer with such earnest elevation of his eies and
hands to heaven, and in so good quiet behaviour, that he seemed
not much to consider the terrour of his death, and ended at the
last, his private prayers with the 143. psalme, beginning, Heare
my prayer 0 Lord, consider my desire : and the next verse he
repeated in deepe meditation thrice: And enter not into judgement
with thy servant, for in tliy sight shall no man living be justified :
and so finishing that psalme he ended his privat prayers.

After that, he turned himselfe to the officers, asking them if
they were readie, and they answered, Yea. Whereupon he put

2 'In preachingj] It may be proper to notice, in passing, how different this
submission (to lawful authority) is to the doctrine and practice of many of the
early followers of Wickliffe.— Compare Art. XXIII. of the Church of England.

42 THOMAS BILNEY.

off his jacket and doublet, and stood in his hose and shirt, and
went unto the stake, standing upon that ledge, and the chaine
cast about him ; and standing thereon, the said doctour
Warner came to him to bid him farewell, which spake but few
words for weeping.

Upon whom the said Thomas Bilney did most gently smile,
and inclined his bodie to speake to him a few words of thanks,
and the last were these, " O master doctor, Pasce gregem tuum,
Pasce gregem tuum, ut, cum venerit Dominus, inveniat te sic fa<
if ni. That is, Feed your flocke, feed your flocke, that when the
Lord commeth, he may find you so doing : and farewell good master
doctor, and pray for me :" and so he departed without any
a us were, sobbing and weeping.

And while he thus stood upon the ledge at the stake, certaine
friers, doctors and priors of their houses being there present (as
they were uncharitablie and maliciously present at his examina-
tion and degradation,) came to him and said ; " O master Bilney
the people be perswaded that we be the causers of your death.
and that we have procured the same, and thereupon it is like
that they will withdraw their charitable almes from us all, except
you declare your charitie towards us, and discharge us of the
matter." Whereupon the said Thomas Bilney spake with a loud
voice to the people, and said ; "I pray you good people be never
the worse to these men for my sake, as though they should be
the authors of my death ; it was not they :" and so he ended.

Then the officers put reed, and fagots about his bodie, and
fire on the reed, which made a very great flame, which >j»arkled
and deformed the visour of his face, he holding up his hands
and knocking upon his brest, crying sometimes Jesus, sometimes
Credo. Which flame was blowne away from him by the violence
of the wind, which was that day and two or three daies before
notable great, in which it was said that the fields were marvel-
lously planned by the losse of corne : and so for a little pause, he
1 without flame, the flame departing and rocoursing thrice
he wood tooke strength to be the sharper to consume him :
and then he gave up the ghost and his bodie being withered bowvd
downeward upon the Hiaine. Then one of the officers with his
halherd Mimte out the Maple in the stake behind him. and stifl
hi- bodie to fall into the bottom of the fire, laying wood on it.
and so he was consumed.

\ e (good Readers) the true historie, and martyrdome
of this good man.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

What was philosophy in this extraordinary man, would be frenzy in one
who does not resemble him, as well in the cheerfulness of his temper, as in
the sanctity of his life and manners.

ADDISON.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE following Life of Sir Thomas More is now for the first time
submitted to the public. It was transcribed, by permission of
his Grace the archbishop of Canterbury, from a volume of manu-
scripts (No. 179) in the Lambeth Library.

It was the Editor's original intention to have contented himself
with a republication of the Life of Sir Thomas, composed by his
son-in-law, William Eoper, a valuable and authentic piece of
biography, and now not frequently to be met with. But, finding
in the archiepiscopal library two lives of Sir Thomas More,
neither of which had hitherto been printed, it became his duty, at
least to peruse those histories, for the sake of extracting from
them (under the favourable permission, so generously conceded)
such parts as might seem subservient to his present design. One
of these volumes, he was gratified to find, was of very considerable
antiquity, being written during the reign of Q. Mary, about the
same time with the account by Eoper, and probably in some part
of the year 1556 ; for the author speaks of the collection of Sir
Thomas's English Works, as then preparing for publication ;
which in the title-page bears date A. D. 1557. In many parts
this writer 1 treads closely in the footsteps of William Eoper ;

1 This writer^] From the words cited, this appears to be the same Life as
that which is quoted by the Cambridge antiquary, Mr. Thomas Baker (from
a copy in the library of Emanuel College in that University), in Burnet's
History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 400. Appendix.

In the course of my notes I have not hesitated to speak of it as the work
of Nicholas Harpsfield ; and on the following evidence. Harpsfield is men-
tioned as one of the biographers of Sir Thomas More, in the preface to the
Life now printed. The writer (whose name we are in quest of), near the end
of his volume, promises a special work on the Divorce between Henry VIII.

46 ADVERTISEMENT.

insomuch that if Roper's (as seems probable) was the earlier pro-
duction, he must have had a copy of that work lying before him :
but he has also communicated several additional particulars.

The other life (No. 179), which was written towards the end
of the reign of Q. Elizabeth (A.D. 1599), by a zealous papist, the
Editor found possessed the advantage of combining in one narra-
tive almost every thing of any value, that is to be found in the
two lives of Roper and Harpsfield, (already described) and often
in the very same words ; with the addition also of further mate-
rials collected from Stapleton and other sources.

On these accounts he presumes that his Readers will not regret
the change which has been made in favour of this subsequent
performance.

The author's name does not appear. At the end of the preface
he subscribes Ro : Ba : That preface, which is long and not
interesting, the Editor has taken the liberty to omit. The rest,
with one exception, mentioned in the notes, is given entire a.

The preface is preceded by the following commendatory epistle,
written by a friend of the author.

TO MY DEARE AND THRICE DEAR FRIEND R. II.

Of all mortall, most beloved, and most worthie to be beloved of Nee.

THE Collector of these papers communicated to me this first
copie with especiall charge to recommend them to my best, chief
and choysest friend. The fairest flowre of my garland is a red
rose : therefore to thee sweet Rose, by hest is this homage nunv
than dewe. Fair is the carnation for his vermilion blush ; delight-
some is the pansie for his interchangeable colours. The da
the primrose, the hyacinth, the pyana, for varietie of hue want

and Queen Catherine. But Nicholas Harpsfield is known also to have com-
posed a tract on that argument. (Tanner's Bibliotheca, p. 381.) And there-
fore the presumption is very strongly confirmed, that Harpsfield and the
author of this Life were the same person. The Harleian MS. C253 has, at
the end of the preface, the initials of his name, N. II. L. 1). There is another
copy among the Sloanian MSS., No. 1705, but it is imperfect at the begin-
ning, and has besides great omissions.

2 /* given entire.'] There are two manuscript copies of this work in the
British Museum, viz. Harleian 1302 (fol. 131) and Sloanian 828. The
former copy has not the preface.

ADVERTISEMENT. 47

not theire prayse. The corsmary, sweet margeram, balme,
lavender, though not so beautifull, yet sweet and odoriferous
is their scent. The fume of hilicampana is very pleasing. The
forme and fashion of the rose royall, french-marygold, cariophi-
lone, munckes-hoode, and columbine is very admirable : yet many
a shrub excels all these in vertue. But the aromaticall red rose,
for composition and forme gives place to none ; for scent and
beautie to be compared with the best ; but for medicinable vertue
and operation, none so much in request as the red rose, distilled,
preserved, conserved, pulverised, for eyes, for head, for stomache,
for heart ; of all hearbes and flowers the prime and soveraigne.
Wherefore in this respect also this little booke, being a sweet
posie of select and fragrant flowers, an epitome of celestiall
vertues, springing in the paradise of delights, the Life of Sir
Thomas More ; the walks whereof are paved with camimile of
humilitie ; the borders are set with patience, enamiled with
pinckes and violetes of rich povertie ; the knots are all of thyme,
intermingled with germander ever the same ; and here and there
hysope of mortification ; the rowes and hedges musk roses and
rosemary of sweet conversation ; the vacant plots are spangled
with flowres, the golden marygold of obedience, hearts-ease of a
settled conscience, flowers of Jerusalem of his desire to be in
heaven ; white lilies, puritie of his intentions ; red roses, the
glorie of his death.

So, most faire and comfortable of all flowres, I nothinge doubt
the acceptance of this Jewell. Symbolizing natures are easily
combined. A saincts life is a welcome theame to a sainctlike man.
Make happie thy good beginnings; knit up the end like the rest;
so shalt thou everlastingly live in blisse. And for the obtayninge
thereof I will not faile to pray. Farewell. Marche the 25. 1599.

Thine, os, cor et manus,

B. R.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

BOOK FIRST.

1. THOMAS MORE was borne in London1, the principall citie of
this noble realme of England, of a verie worshipful familie. His
fathers name was John More, a man pleasant and wittie in his
conceits. Verie cunning and expert he was in the lawes of the
realme. For his worthiness and well-deserving parts he was
advanced to be one of the judges of the Kings Bench, and to the
worshipful degree of knighthoode.

His mothers name is unknowne2. Brothers he had none.
Sisters two : Joane married to Richard Stafferton, an ancient
gentleman in his countrie ; and Elizabeth wife to John Rastall of
equal calling.

His mother, the first night after her marriage, sawe in her
sleepe the number of children she should have, written as it were
in her marriage ring ; and the formes, shapes, and countenances
of them all. One was very dim and obscure, and could skarcelie
be discerned ; for of one she suffered by an untimelie byrth an
aborsement. Another she saw full bright and beautiful, and
fairer than all the rest ; whereby no doubt was this lampe of
England prefigured.

One tyme as his nourse (and this is much to be noted) ridd
over a water, having this young babe in her armes, she was by
reason of the stumbling of her horse, in daunger of drowning.

1 Borne in London.~\ A.D. 1480. See Life of Sir Thomas More, by his
Great Grandson, Thomas More, Esq. p. 6. edit. 1726.

2 Name is unknowne.'] She was a daughter of Handcombe, of Holy-
well, in Bedfordshire.

VOL. II. E

50 SIR THOMAS MORE.

And that she might the better save herselfe and her child, on a
sudden (she) did cast the child from her over the hedge. She
after coming to the place with great feare, found the child without
bruse or hurt, smiling and laughing on her. This, no question,
was no obscure presage * of his future holiness.

2. The childe encreasing in age, his father, for his great care and
wisdome, provided him a maister, one Nicholas Holt, a learned
and discreet man, in St. Anthonies schoole4, in London. There
he learned the principles of the Latyn tongue 5 ; where in short
tyme he farr exceeded all his equals. His father, seeing his
towardness, provided that for his better education, he should IK-
brought up * in the house of the wise and learned prelate Cardinal

8 No obscure presaged] This is tolerably modest, and yet neither Roper nor
Harpsfield tell us any thing of this story. But Fanaticism is not wont to
stop at these low flights.

It may be worth the reader's remarking, that by means of the successive
lives which have been written of Sir Thomas More, we possess a curious
specimen of the aversion which Popery has from reforming itself : or rather
of its propensity to accumulate falsehoods and forgeries, even amid surround-
ing reformation and refinement. Sir Thomas More is deservedly a favourite
character with Romish biographers. Yet in Roper and Harpsfield, his ear-
liest historians, there is scarcely any thing supernatural. Stapleton, who
wrote (A.D. 1588), about thirty years afterwards, and at a distance from the
scene of action, being in exile at Douay, has detailed several miraculous
stories; but Mr. More, Sir Thomas's great-grandson, whose Life of his
ancestor came out in the year 1627, goes much further. We shall content
ourselves with citing one very short specimen.

u It was also credibly reported, that two of John Hay wood's sons, Jasper
and Ellis, having one of the teeth of Sir Thomas More betweene them, and
either of them being desirous to have it to himselfe, it suddenly, to the
admiration of both, parted in two." — More's Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 304.
See also p. 276, on the money miraculously supplied for the purchase of his
winding-sheet, &c. In an edition of this Life, A.D. 1 828, very strong evidence
has been adduced to prove that it was written not by a great-grandson,
Thomas, but by a younger brother of the same family, of the Christian name
of Cresacre, &c. Ellis Haywood wrote a work in Italian, which he entitled
"// 3/oro," in honour of Sir Thomas. May not we easily believe that, but
for the iniquity of the times, in another generation Sir Thomas More would
have been canonized, and worshipped ?

4 St. Anthonies schoole.'] Which was at that time the most eminent of any
in Ix>ndon. — Knight's Life of Colet, p 8.

5 The Latyn tongue.~\ Greek was yet no part of the institution in Grammar
schools There is no provision for the teaching that language even in the
statutes of Wolsey's new establishment at Ipswich, so late as in the year 1528.
See Strypc's Kecks. Mem. vol. ii. p. 94. Records.

• Brought up.] See before, Life of Wolsey, vol. i. p. 487, n. (•)

SIR THOMAS MORE. 51

Morton, archbishop of Canterburie ; who being a man of deep
judgment sone espied his pregnant and quicke wit. On a Christ-
mas tyme, Thomas being verie young, upon a sudden amongst
the players 7, without any fore-thinking on the matter, he would
play a part with them ; and with a verie good grace and liking.
For he did it so fitly and so pleasantly, that all the auditours had
more pleasure and admiration at him, than all the rest. But
especiallie the cardinal, who afterwardes would often tell the
nobles sitting at table with him, where young Thomas waited on
him, " Whosoever liveth to trie it, shall see this childe prove a
notable and rare man." So the bishop, having conceaved such
expectation, was verie careful to have him aunswerable unto it ;
that this goodly bud might grow to a faire flowre, and in tyme
burgion 8 forth his expected fruit.

So he caused this youth to be sent to Oxforde ; where for the
short tyme of his abode (being not there fullie two yeares) he won-
derfullie profited in the knowledge of Latyn and Greeke tongues,
and noe little in the knowledge of phylosophie. His maister in the
Greek was Thomas Linacre of great fame and experience. In
the tyme of his abode there his father so used the matter, to the
end he should onelie follow his learning and studie, that he allowed
him but onelie necessaries ; no not a pennie he would give him to
spend in waste or pastimes. So shortened of money, the fit and
forceable instrument to effect everie evell, he was rid of manye
occasions that hinder good proceedings. This frugalitie of his
father he afterwards often remembered and commended.

3. The father minding that the sonne should tread after his
steppes, called young Thomas from the universitie, and caused him
to settle his minde whollie upon the studie of the lawes of this
realme. Which studie he commenced first at New Inne, one of
the inns of chauncerie. After, he was admitted to Lyncolnes inne,
where he made such encrease of his cunning, that in little tyme
he attaigned to that degree, which his elders in manie yeares

7 Amongst the players^ We are not to wonder at plays being acted at
Christmas time, even by the household of the archbishop of Canterbury. It
is well known what is the case with respect to this practice in the statutes of
the colleges of both universities.

8 Burgion ] To spring, to bud; French, bovrgeonner.

" And tools to prune the trees, before the pride
Of hasting prime did make them burgein round."

Spenser's Faery Queen.
E 2

52 SIR THOMAS MORE.

studie could not atchieve, to be an utter barrister. — Now is the
common-lavve of this realme so intricate, various and obscure, as
it would requier a whole and entire man, all his life tyme or most
part thereof, to come to anye excellencie therein. After this, by
the whole bench of Lyncolnes inne it was thought meet to make
him reader in FurnivaPs inn, wherein he spent three yeares and
more to great profit of divers. But though his profit herein was
both substantial and speedie, yet continuallie he allotted himselfe
tyme to followe his studies commenced in Oxforde.

He red openly 9 in St. Laurence churche in London, St. Aus-
tins bookeZte CivitateDei, and that performed so profoundly and
exactlie, that all that heard him gave him singular commendations.
His lesson was much frequented, and honored with the presence
of the chiefe and best learned in the citie. Master Grocine, a
man of great learning would often come to hear him. This
Grocine read at the same tyme the bookes of Dionysius Areopa-
gita, but with a lesse auditorie than master More had. More in
his reading proved himselfe a divine, a philosopher, an historian :
for he must be furnished with these arts, that will read and ox-
pound these bookes of St. Austines as he did.

He was scene in geometrie, arithmitique, musick, and spake
French well : the knowledge whereof, though he were in France
some tyme, according to a laudable custome of our countrie,
especiallie in the better sort, to send their children thither to

9 He red openly. ] " About this time it was almost come to a custom for
men of distinguished parts and learning in that University " (Oxford) "to set
up voluntary lectures, by way of exposition or comment on some celebrated
writer; to which the students would repair more or less, according to the
opinion they had of the men, and their performances. Amongst others, we
are certain Mr. Thomas More did read upon St. Austin's book, De Civitate
Dei, while a very young man, to a great auditory ; the seniors and grave
divines not being ashamed to learn divinity from so young a layman."
Knight's Life of Dean Colet, p. 30. We have already seen mention made of
the Lecture read in St. Paul's Church, London, by William Grocine, upon
the Books of Dionysius Areopagita, De Hierarchia Eccltsiastica. See vol. i.
Supplementary Extracts. Indeed, says Dr. Knight, "it is plain that the
Public Lecturers, both in the Universities, and the Cathedral Church, took
the liberty of reading upon any book rather than the Holy Scriptures, till Dr.
Colet reformed that practice, and both in Oxford, and in St. Paul's, brought
in the more useful way of reading and expounding St. Paul's Epistles, or
some other parts of Scripture." Knight's Life of Colet, p. 67. See also Life
Cecil, Lord Burghley, edited by Arthur Collins, p. 6, and given below
in this Collection.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 53

learne the language and guise of that countrie, yet the most he got
was by his own Industrie here in England. In poetrie he had a
good grace. In his verse, whether it were English or Latyn, he
shewed as much pietie and devotion, as witte and art. His
epigrams were so well liked of amongst learned men, that Beatus
Rhenanus * and Leodegarius a Quercu 2 preferred him before all
the poets of that time. His felicitie in prose was much greater,
yea even at this tyme, thoughe he were young, and much occupied
and distracted with other studies.

4. You have hearde of his learning, and of what expectation
his beginnings were. If haplie virtue paced not equallie with
these studies and rare knowledge, it might happe all these good
parts to be drowned. For knowledge without virtue is as a ring
in a swines nose ; or as a good dish of meat of a sluts cooking.
Of such knowledge St. Paule telleth us the effect, scientia inflat,
knowledge doth puffe up, that is, makes us proud, disdainful, and
ministereth occasions of many synnes. But Ms age and virtue
equallie encreased.

In his youth or tender years he used to weare a cilice or hair-
shirt, and lay many nights on the ground, often on a borde ; or
else he used a blocke under his head. His sleepe was very short,
seldom or never above foure or five houres. He had great delight
to heare Gods word preached ; and for that, exceedingly loved
doctor Collet, deane of Paules, who was a very spirituall and
devoute man in his speache and sermons. He made and trans-
lated many spirituall works in this age ; as the Life of John
Picus, earle of Mirandula ; his Epistles, and the Twelve Rules of
a good life of the same earles. He made a very devoute booke
intituled De quatuor novissimis 3, wherein he describeth vice and
virtue even to the quick : but this work was never finished.

1 Beatus Rhenanus.'] So well known by this Latin appellation that
his vernacular name is not known : his father was Antony Bilde, of
Rheinach.

2 Leodegarius a Quercu."] i. e. Leger Duchesne, the apologist for the mas-
sacre of St. Bartholomew.

3 De quatuor MWtMtmtf.] Founded on the text " In omnibus operibus tuis
memorare novissima tua." Ecclus. vii. 40. There were two very popular
works on the same subject in Latin, which probably gave to Sir Thomas
the idea of his English book — 1. The " Cordiale de quatuor novissimis,'' attri-
buted by Fabricius to Henricus de Hassia, of which many editions were
printed (see Panzer, vol. v. p. 165), and of which an English version by
Antony Widvije, Earl Rivers, was printed by Caxton in 1479. Lord Rivers

54 SIR THOMAS MORE.

It seemed probable by some apparent conjectures that he had
a mind to be a priest, or to have accepted the habit of some reli-
gion. For he continued, after his reading above-said, some foure
yeares or more very orderly in great devotion and prayer in the
Charter House in London amongst the monks, but without any
manner of vow or profession. Some perhaps will say, seeing the
contemplative life farre exceeds the active, according to that of our
Saviours saying, Maria optimam partem elegit, qua non auferetur
ab ed, Marie hath chosen the best parte, which shall not be taken
away from her ; why did not he followe that inclination or inspi-
ration to be religious ? Perhaps the tymes fitted not in England
to have cloysterers aunswerable to their rules, for that at that
tyme they were much debased from their former sanctitie, which
soone after appeared by their waste, and havocke made of those
places : or else God peculiarlie chose this man in another kinde
of life, therein to serve him more for the glorie of his holy name,
the churches benefit, and his own soules good. And as God
appointed that worthy man John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, to
be the champion of the clergie, so he reserved Thomas More in
the degree of the laitie, to be the proto-martyr of England that
suffered for the defence of the union of the catholicke church.

5. About this tyme he was chosen a burgesse of the parliament,
in the latter dayes of king Henry the seventh. He was then at
the age of six or seven and twentie 4. At this parliament there
was concluded a marriage betweene James the fourth, king of
Scots, and Ladie Margaret, eldest daughter to our said king ;
and because great charges would thereby growe to the king, he
demaunded of the parliament about three fifteens. Now con-
sidering it was an ancient custom at all tymes, for such and the
like causes more than ordinarie, to presse the Commons; but
especiallie seeing this contract seemed to importe verie much the
good and quiet of this realme, it was thought there would be noe

translated it from the French, which exists amongst the MSS. of the Old
Royal Library in the British Museum. (19 C. III.) — 2. " Sermones quntuor
novisgimorvm perutiles et necessarii ;" this also has been often printt-d. In ths
old Catalogue of the Printed Books in the Museum both works are errone-
ously attributed to Thomas Aquinas.

4 Sir or seven and twentie.] At the time of the death of Henry VII. More
waa about eight and twenty years old. But in the year 1503, when the mar-
riage took place between the Princess Margaret and James the Scotish king,
his age could not be more than two and twenty.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 55

resistance made to their demaund. Howbeit Thomas More
misliked the matter ; and of that his so doinge gave openlie such
and so good arguments, that they of the Lower House were all
of his minde, and thereby the bill was quite overthrowne. Forth-
with Mr. Tyler 5, one of the privie chamber, that was there pre-
sent, resorted to the king declaring that a beardlesse boy, called
More, had done more harme than all the rest, for by his meanes
all the purpose is dasht.

The remembrance of this displeasure sunk deeplie into the
kings heart, and bred great indignation against master More,
readie upon anie occasion to burst out against him. But yet the
king forbare, least he might seeme to infringe the ancient libertie
of that place, which would have bin odiously taken, or haply
because master More had then little to lose. Yet was there a
causelesse quarrel devised against his father, whereby he was
committed to the Towre ; from whence he could not get dis-
charged, without paying a fine of a hundred pounds. Neither
yet was the sonne forgotten, but privie ways were sought to
entrap him, whereby the king upon some better colour might
fasten his displeasure upon him. This well knew master More,
and ever after lived in feare of the kings indignation ; and sup-
posing his abode here in England would be to his further daunger,
resolved to live beyond the seas. But the kings death not long
after ensuing, prevented that design ement.

6. All this while Thomas More was unmarried, and seemed to
have liked well to have led a single life. But in conclusion he fell
to marrying, and tooke to wife the daughter of one Mr. Colt 6, a
gentleman of Essex, who had three daughters very virtuous and
well-liking. And albeit his mind served him most to settle his
affection on the second sister, for that he thought her fairest and
best favoured, yet when he considered it would be a grief to the
eldest to see her youngest sister preferred before her, he then, of
a certaine pitie, framed his fancy toward the eldest. Yet he
discontinued not his studies in the lawe, but still applied the
same untill he was called to the benche ; and he red there twice
in Lincolnes inne, which is as often as ordinarilie any judge
doth.

After his marriage he placed himselfe in Bucklersburie, where

5 Mr. Tyler.'] Sir William Tiler. See Carlisle's Inquiry, &c , p. 21.

6 One Mr. Co//.] Seep. 111.

56 SIR THOMAS MORE.

he had by his wife three daughters and one sonne, whose name
was called John More, after his grandfather's name. The
daughters were thus disposed of: Margaret after married to Mr.
William Roper ; Cicilie married to Mr. Giles Heron ; Elizabeth
was wife to William Daunsey : which children he brought up in
virtue, and knowledge both of the Greeke and Latyn tongue. He
would often say to his children, u virtue and learning must be
their meate, play but as it were the sauce." Of his care in this
point we shall hereafter, as occasion serveth, speak more at
large.

7. Whilst he would plead anie man's cause, this was his
custome : to give such faithful and good counsaile that the client
might soone perceive he sought not his owne private commoditie.
— First he would persuade them to make up the matter, and
agree amongst themselves. If so be they would not, then he
shewed them which way with least charge and trouble they might
wage law. And never he tooke cause in hand, that he did not
seriouslie and advisedlie examine the justice and equitie thereof.
And if he found it to halt therein, he would tell his client he
would not meddle 7 in that matter, for all the good in the
world.

7 He would not meddle.] " We talked of the practice of the law. Sir Wil-
liam Forbes said, he thought an honest Lawyer should never undertake a
cause which he was satisfied was not a just one." " Sir, (said Mr. Johnson,)
a Lawyer has no business with the justice or injustice of the cause which he
undertakes, unless his client asks his opinion, and then he is bound to give it
honestly. The justice or injustice of the cause is to be decided by the judge.
Consider, Sir, what is the purpose of courts of justice? It is that every man
may have his cause fairly tried, by men appointed to try causes. A Lawyer
is not to tell what he knows to be a lie. He is not to produce what he knows
to be. a false deed ; but he is not to usurp the province of the jury and of
judge, and determine what shall be the effect of the evidence ; what shall be
the result of legal argument. As it rarely happens that a man is fit to plead
his own cause, lawyers are a class of the community, who, by study and
experience, have acquired the art, and power of arranging evidence, and of
applying to the points at issue what the law has settled. A Lawyer is to do
for his client all that his client might fairly do for himself, if he could. If by
a superiority of attention, of knowledge, of skill, and a better method of com-
munication, he has the advantage of his adversary, it is an advantage to which
he is entitled. There must always be some advantage, on one side or other ;
and it is better advantage should be had by talents than by chance. If Lav,
were to undertake no causes till they were sure they were just, a man might
be precluded altogether from a trial of his claim, though, were it judicially

SIR THOMAS MORE. 57

Now, for his good skill and sinceritie, the citie wherein he
first breathed gave him his first office. For he was made under-
sheriffe of London, when he was not above twenty-eight yeares of
age ; which office as it is very worshipful, so it is not verie com-
bersome. In this place he dispatched more matters than ever
did any before. No man ever used himselfe more sincere and
upright than he, and lesse exacting; for often he forgave his
owne fee. Yet by this office, and learned counsaile, (for there
was not any matter of weight or importance in any of the
prince's courts, that he was not retained for counsaile on the one
partie or the other) without grudge of conscience, or injurie to
anie man, he gained above four hundred pounds yearlie.

The citie dearlie loved him, and for his wit, learning and expe-
rience had him in great esteem ; in so much that the English
merchants, and the strangers of the Stilyarde 8, sent him twice as
ambassador beyond the seas, althoughe he neither desyred nor
liked to be imployed in such offices : for he was wont to say, " he
liked not to be banished from his owne countrie. and shut up in a
towne, where perhaps neyther the land nor the ayre be very good
and wholsome." But especially he misliked these ambassages, as
subject to contentions and altercations, which of his owne nature
he did much abhorre, but especially in a strange countrie with
great princes; and where he suffered no little damages. For
though he were worshipfully provided for, for the defraying of his
charges, yet he suffered by his absence far greater losses. And
therefore he would merrilie say, " that there was great difference
betwixt a lay-man and a priest to be sent in ambassage ; for a
priest need not to be disquieted for wife, children and familie :
for the first two they lacke, the other they may take all with
them. And though I am not an evil husband, father, or maister,
yet I cannot so fashion my houshold that my absence shall as
well instruct, please, and provide for them as my presence." Yet
he many tymes was sent in most honorable embassages 9 by the
king his maister. Twice he was joined in commission with car-
examined, it might be found a very just claim." Boswell's Tour to the
Hebrides, p. 14. See also below, Life of Sir Matt. Hale, or Index, Barristers.

8 Strangers of the Stilyarde.~\ The merchants of the Hanseatic League, who
resided in the Stilyard in London, and enjoyed great privileges.

9 Honorable embassages.'] In April 1519 he was joined in commission with
Thomas Ruthall, bishop of Durham, Cuthhert Tunstal, and Richard Pace,
to treat with the commissioners of Charles V. See also the note at the next
page.

58 SIR THOMAS MORE.

dinal Wolsey10; when he went into Flanders to Charles the
fifth l, and an other tyme 2 in France. He was ambassador when
the famous peace betweene Charles the emperor Ferdinando king
of the Komaines, and Francis the first of France, anno 15293,
wa> made. Yet these paincs he most misliked : but being once
put upon him, he fore-stood nothing for the happie expedition of
the same. And so he demeaned him selfe for the merchants,
that at his returne he purchased to him selfe great credit and
estimation, both with them and the king; who at his home-
cominge offered him for recompence an annual pension duryng his
life, which though it were both honorable and commodious, yet
he refused it, lest the citizens might conceive some sinister sus-
pition, that when any controversie should happen concerning
their privileges, betweene the king and them, (as often it hap-
]>< iicth), that he would not have been himselfe upright, being as
it were feed and hired with the pension.

8. Moreover this king Henry was in hand with cardinal
Wolsey to procure him unto his service. The cardinal did not
slacke the matter, but dealt with him incontinently, and in very
earnest manner, to serve the king ; saying it was meet and con-
venient, and it could not be but for his advancement to do so.
Yet he was very loath to change his estate, and so wrought the
cardinal by his faire speeche, that by him the king was satisfied
for that tyme. But his estimation and fame every day so
increased, that after a while the king would by no manner of
entreatie be induced to forbeare his service. And this was upon
this occasion.

There chanced a great ship of burden of the popes t<> arrive
at Southampton, the which ship upon some title the king
claimed as a forfeiture. The popes ambassador then resident
in the realme, upon suit got a graunte of the king, to retain
lii> niaistcr some learned in the lawes and custumes of the realme ;
and that the matter might be opcnlie heard and di- bated in his
owne presence. Amongst <*ill the lawyers choice was made of
Mr. More, as one esteemed not partial, and verie skilful in ti
affaires. He in the presence of the lordes of the council, in the
Starr Chamber, where the matter was heard, so leaniedlie and

10 With cardinal H o/Lwy.] See Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, vol. i. p. 488.
1 He went into Flanders to Charles the fifth.] In 1521. See vol. i. p. 488.
» And an another tyme.'] In 1527. See vol. i. p. 488.

8 Anno 1529.] He was joined in commission with (luthhcrt Tunstal,
bishop of London, Dr. William Knight, and John Hackett.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 59

substantiate argued in the defence of his cause, that he wonne
to the pope his ship, and to him selfe great renoune and prayse
in the mouthe of everie one.

Upon this the king entertained him for him selfe, and gave
him this notable and worthie lesson, " that in all his doings and
affaires touching the king, he should first respect God, then the
king his maister." This lesson he willinglie heard, and most
effectuallie performed. At this first entrance into the kings
service, he was made master of the requests, and within a month
after knight, and one of the kings privie council. And in a
short tyme, after the death of Mr. William Weston, under-
treasurer of the exchequer. And upon the death of Sir Richard
Wingfield he was chauncellor of the dutchie 4 : and after the
death of the lord cardinal 5, highe chauncellour of England,
the first lay-man that ever possessed that place in king Henry
the eighths tyme.

9. It may seem strange, that Mr. More should be thus
advanced, for he alwaies shewed himselfe to have more respect to
weal publique, than to the kings gaine or pleasure. But it
followeth, that either the king was at this tyme a marvelous
good prince, or that he had not that experience of his upright
and plaine dealing ; and this can I hardly believe. For he
could not but know, how in his fathers tyme, in a parlia-
ment, whereof we spake before, he had demened himselfe in
hindering the bill of three fifteenths that it passed not. But
especialle, that which I shall now declare unto you, he could not
but remember.

In the fourteenth yeare of his majestie's reigne, a parliament
was summoned, where the commons chused Mr. More for theire
speaker, and presented him in the parliament house ; where he
disabled himselfe6, as a man unmeet for that office. Among
other things he brought forth a storie of the noble Hannibal,
"to whome at a certaine tyme, Phormio made a solemne decla-

4 Was chauncellor of the dutchie.'] Of Lancaster.

5 After the death of the lord cardinal.'] More correctly, "after the dis-
grace of the Lord Cardinal," for it was in Michaelmas term, 1529. Wolsey
died 29th Nov. 1530.

6 Disabled himselfe.'] " The Commons chose for their Speaker Sir Thomas
More. He according to the usage, disabled himselfe, both in wit, learning,
and discretion, to speak before the King." Stowe's Annals, p. 519. edit.
1615.

60 SIR THOMAS MORE.

ration concerning chivalrie and the feates of warre, which was
liked by many. But Hannibal, being demanded what he thought
thereof, answered, 1 1 never heard a more proud arrogant foole,
that durst take upon him to instruct the flower and maister of
chivalre in his owne profession."* So (quoth Sir Thomas), I may
well looke for the same rebuke at the king's hands, if I should
arrogate so much as to speake before him of the weeldirig and
governinge publique affaires ; seeing that he is so wise, learned,
and expert in matters of his estate. Wherefore my humble
petition is, that the commons may freely chuse some other for
their speaker." But the cardinall answered, " that the king had
sufficient proofe of his every way sufficientie, and that the com-
mons could not chuse a meeter man." In the end, when the
king would not consent to the election of any other, he spake to
his Grace in form following.

" Sith I perceive, my renowned soveraigne, that it standeth
not with your highness"* pleasure to reforme this election, but
have by the mouth of the most reverend father in God, the
legate, your high chauncellor, given your most royall consent,
and have of your benignitie determined farre above that I may
beare, to enable and repute me meete ; rather than you would
seeme to impute unto your commons any note of indiscretion for
their unfit choice ; I am therefore, and shall be alwaies readie
obedientlie to conforme myself to the accomplishment of your
soveraigne command ; in most humble manner beseeching your
most noble majestic, that I may, with your grace's favour, before
I enter further thereunto, make my humble intercession unto
your highness for two lowlie petitions ; the one privatelie con-
cerning myselfe, the other for the whole assemblie of the com-
mons house. For myselfe, gratious soveraigne, that if it mis-
happen me, in any thing hereafter on the behalfe of your commons
in your highness' presence to be declared to mistake my message,
and for lacke for good utterance, and mis-rehearsal to pervert
and impaire their prudent instructions, it may then like your
noble majestic, of your aboundant grace, with the eye of your
accustomed pittie to pardon my BimpleneaB, ^ivin^ me leave to
repair* auaine to the commons house, and there to confer \\ith
them, and to take tlieire substantial advice, what things, and in
what wise I am to utter; to the intent their prudent de\ice> and
affaires be not by my simpleness and follie hindered and impaired :
which tiling if it should mis-happe (as it were well liekelie. if'ymir

SIR THOMAS MORE. 61

gratious benignitie releved not my oversight,) it would be, during
my life, a perpetual grudge and heaviness to my heart. The
helpe and remedie, in manner afore remembered, is, most gratious
soveraigne, my first lowlie suit and humble petition to your noble
grace.

" My other humble request, most excellent prince, is this.
That, for as much as there be of your commons, here by your
highness1 commandment assembled, a great number which are,
after accustomed manner, appointed to treat and devise of the
common affaires amongst themselves apart : and albeit, most
deare and liege lord, that according to your prudent devise, by
your honorable writs every where declared, there hath been as
due diligence used, in sending up to your highness1 court of
parliament, the most discrete persons, out of everie quarter, that
men could esteeme fit ; whereby it is not to be doubted, but that
there be here present a verie substantial assemblie of right wise
and politique persons, yet, most victorious prince, sith amongst
so manie wise men, neither is everie man wise alike, nor amonge
so manie all alike well witted, is everie man alike well spoken ;
and it often happeneth, that likewise as much follie is uttered
with painted and polished speeches, so many men, boysterous and
rude in language, yet give right good and substantial counsaile :
sith also, in matters of great importance, the minde is often so
occupied in the matter, that a man rather studieth what, than
how to say, by reason whereof the wisest man and best spoken in
a whole countrie fortuneth sometimes, while his mind is fervent
in the matter, somewhat to speake in such wise as he would after
wish to have been uttered otherwise, yet his meaning no worse
when he spoke it, than when he would so gladlie change it :
Therefore, most gratious soveraigne, considering that in your
highness" court of parliament, there is nothing uttered but mat-
ters of weight and importance, concerning the realme and royal
estate, it could not faile but to let and put to sylence from giving
their advice and counsaile manie of the discreet commoners, to
the great hinderance of publique affaires, except everie man there
were utterly discharged of all doubt and feare, how anie thing
that should happen them to speake, should happen of your high-
ness to be taken : and in this point, though your well known
and approved benignitie putteth everie man in right good hope,
yet such is the weight of the matter, such the reverend dreade,
that the timerous hearts of your natural subjects conceive towards

62 SIR THOMAS MORE.

your highness1 majesty, most renowned soveraigne, that they can-
not in this pointe find themselves satisfied, except your gracious
bountie herein declared, may put away the scruple of their time-
rous mindes.

" May it therefore like your aboundant grace, our most be-
nigne king, to give to all your commons here assembled, your
most gratious licence and pardon, freely without all doubt of
your dreadful displeasure, everie man to discharge his conscience,
and boldly in any thing incident amongst us to declare his advice ;
and whatsoever happen any man to say, that it may like your
noble majestie, of your inestimable goodness, to take all in good
parte, interpreting every man's words, how uncomely soever they
be couched, to proceed yet of good zeale towards the profit of
your realme, and the honour of your royal person ; the pros-
perous estate and preservation whereof, most excellent sove-
raigne, is the thing which we all, your most humble loving sub-
jects, according to our bounden dutie, of natural alleageance,
most highlie desyre and pray for. Dixi."

At this parliament cardinal Wolsey found himselfe much
agrieved with the burgesses thereof, that there was nothing said
or done therein but that it was immediately blowne abrode in
every alehouse. It fortuned at that parliament a great subsidie
to be demaunded, which the cardinal, fearing would not passe
the commons house, determined for the furtherance thereof to be
there personally himselfe : before whose coming they themselves
much debated, whether it weere better to receive him with a few
of his lords, or with all his traine. Most were of opinion the
first were the best. At last Mr. More said in this manner,
" Maisters, for as much as my lord cardinal lately, you wote well,
laid to our charge the lightness of our tongues, for things uttered
out of this house, it shall not be amisse, in my minde, to receive
him with all his pompc7, with all his maces, his pillars, his poll-
. his crosses, his hatt, and the great scale too ; to the intent.
that if he finde the like fault hereafter with us, we may be the
bolder, from ourselves, to lay the blame upon them whom he
brin^eth with him."1 \Vhereunto the whole house atjiv.-iiiu-. he-
was received accordingly. Where, after he had, in a solemn
oration, by many reasons proved, how necessarie it was the d< •-
mamid to be graunted ; and further shewing that les>e would

7 With all hispompe.] See Cavendish's Life of WoUey, vol. i. p. 491—94.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 63

not serve to maintaine the princes purpose, he, seeing the com-
panie sit still silent, and aunswering nothing, contrarie to his
expectation, shewed themselves not verie forward to incline to
his request, said unto them, " Maisters, you have many wise and
learned men among you : and sith I am from the king's own
person sent hither unto you, for the preservation of yourselves
and all the realme, I thinke it mete you give me some reason-
able answere." Where everie man holding his peace, then began
he to speake to one Mr. Marnee ; who making no answere, he
severallie asked the same question of divers others, accounted
the wisest amongst them ; to whom then none of them all woulde
yeeld so much as one word, being before agreed as the custom
was, by theire speaker to make answere, " Maisters," quoth the
cardinal, "unlesse it be the manner of your house, as of likelihoode
it is, by the mouthe of the speaker, whom you have chosen for
trustie and wise, as indeed he is, in suche causes to utter your
mindes, here is, without doubt, a marvelous obdurate silence ;"
and thereupon required aunswere of Mr. Speaker. Who first
reverently, upon his knees, "excused the silence of the house,
abashed with the presence of so noble a personage, able to amaze
the wisest and best learned in the realme ; and after many pro-
bable arguments, that for them to make aunswere was neither
expedient, nor agreeable to the auncient libertie of the house ; in
conclusion, for himselfe he shewed, that althoughe they had all
with theire voices trusted him, yet except every one of them
would put into his head all their several witts, he alone was un-
meet, in so weightie a matter, to make his grace aunswere."
Whereupon the cardinal displeased, sodenlie arose and departed.
This the cardinal forgot not ; for the next daie sending for
him, in his gallerie of White-Hall, at Westminster, he uttered
unto him what he conceived. " Would to God," quoth the car-
dinal, " you had been at Rome, Master More, when I made you
Speaker." " Your grace not offended, so would I, my lord "
(quoth he) : "for then should I have seene those holie places, that
I have often and much desired." And after some walkes in
silence, to winde such matters out of the cardinal's head, he
began to talke of the gallerie, and saide, " I like this gallerie of
yours, my lord, much better than that of Hampton Court." So,
wisely he brake off the cardinal's unpleasante talke ; so that the
cardinal, as it seemed, wist not what to say to him, but flung
from him without anie more speaking ; and for revengement of

64 SIR THOMAS MORE.

his displeasure, counselled the king to send him ambassador into
Spaine, that there he might either die, or not retorne againe in
haste. But that jorney tooke not effect, through his owne en-
treat ie, and sweet demeanoure to the king.

The truth is, the cardinal never loved him ; yea rather feared
him, least in tyme the fame of his wit, learning, and virtue should
blemish and dimme the glorie of his owne prayses. For the
cardinal, thoughe he were adorned with manie good qualities, yet
he was of an exceeding ambitious humor, and aspiring nature ;
and so in love with his well-doing, that he fell into a certaine
phrensie of over-weening of him selfe.

All these things considered, that the cardinal never trulie
loved him, nor the king could conceave anie great hope that he
would be corrupted to speake against good and equitie, I say it
was not a little strange to see Mr. More thus advanced. But
the providence of Almightie God so appointed that so great a
light should not be put under a bushel, but reared on the hills of
worldlie felicitie, to shine unto them who wilfully have extin-
guished their owne lampes and eyes, and yet possesse the same
rooms, but with far different conditions.

10. Thomas More, being in the king^s service, never was there
any one man that the king used more familiarly. The king, upon
holy dayes, when he had done his devotions, did often send for
him unto his traverse, and there sometyme of matters of astro-
nomic, geometric, divinitie, sometymes in matters of state, sit
and confer with him. And other whiles he would in the ni^ht
have him up to his leads, there to discourse with him the div
ties, courses, motions, and operations of the stars and planets.
Both the king and the queene tooke great comforte and pleasure
in his merrie and pleasant conceited witt. They would verie
often call for him, in the tyme of their supper, to be merries and
recreate themselves withal. Whome when Sir Thomas p« -iv« -iv< •<!
liis talke so much to delight, that he could skarce in a moneth
get leave to goe home to his wife and children *, or to be absent
two dayes togeather from the court, but that he was sent for
againe, he much mislyked this restraints of his lilu-rtye. and be-
ganne thereupon somewhat to dissemble his natuiv. and liy little

8 To his wife and children.'] " Thus he represents to his friend Peter <
the manner of his treating them : Nempe rcvcrso domum, cum uxore fabu-
landum est, garriendum cum libcris." Roper's Life, p. 33. Jortin's Life of
Erasmus, vol. iii. p. 310. Appendix.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 65

and little to disuse himselfe from his accustomed myrth, so that
he was not from thenceforth so ordinarilie sent for.

Yet the king took such pleasure in his companie, that he would
oftentymes on a suddaine come to his house at Chelsey, to talke
and be merrie with him. Whither on a tyme unlocked for, while
Sir Thomas was chancellour of the duchie he came to dynner to
him ; and after dinner in a faire garden walked with him by the
space of an howre, holding his arme about his neck ; of all which
favours he made no other account, than a deepe wise man should
doe, and as the nature and disposition of the king, which he well
perceived, did require. Wherefore even at this tyme, when
flattering fortune seemed most to smile upon him, and all things
seemed as faire as faire might be, or he could wish, he well con-
sydered the brittle estate of men that be in the highest favour of
princes. Wherefore, when after the king^s departure, his sonne
in law, Mr. William Roper, verie glad to have seene this, came
to him saying, " Sir, how happie are you, whome the king hath
so familiarly entertained, as I never sawe him to doe the like to
any, except to the lord cardinall, with whome I saw his grace
once walke arme in arme ! " Sir Thomas aunswered in this sorte :
a I thanke God, sonne William, I find his grace my very good
lord and maister ; and I doe believe he doth as singularlie favoure
me as he doth any subject within this realme. Howbeit sonne
Roper, as I shall tell thee, I have noe cause to be proude of it ;
for if my head would wynne him a castle in France, it should not
faile to flie from my shoulders, as fast now as it seemeth to
sticke."

Thus Sir Thomas spent twenty yeares or more in the king's
service, with as great countenance and well liking of his grace as
ever did any ; yet in the end he was but evil recompenced, as
hereafter it shall appeare.

BOOK THE SECOND.

1. As we have spoken of his offices, and carriage in publique
affaires, and for his countrie, so now it is meet to recount his
secret and domestical life with his wife, children, frendes, and
others.

VOL. ir. F

66 ,SIR THOMAS MORE.

First, in Sir Thomas is principallie to be considered, as the
roote and heade of all his doings, that alwayes he had a special
care and regard to God- ward, and to keepe his conscience syncere
and upright.

It was his custome to rise every daie verie earlie ; and on his
knees, after he had commended himself to God, he said his
Mattins, the Seven Psalmes9, the Li tan ie with the Suffrages, often
tile iJirifje, and the Graduall Psalmes, and certain*.- other devout
prayers, both in Latyn and Kuglishe, of his owne making.
Besides, he selected certaine psalmes out of the psalter, and made
himselfe a prettie little volume 10 ; and to reade all, or most part*-
thereof, everie morning, he seldome omitted* After all this,
every day, feast and ferie, he heard masse with reverence and
devotion; and before the end, for to receive the benediction of
the priest, he would in noe case departe, though the king had
sent for him, once, twice, and thrice. He was wont to say he
would come to the king presentlie, " after I have done my dutie
and devoire both to his and my maister, the King of kin

He was very desirous to be solitary, and sequester himselfe from
worldly companie, the better to recollect himselfe to God. And

9 The Seven Psalmes.'] These psalms, otherwise called the seven penitential
psalms, are inserted in all Primers, and were often commented upon by
ancient devotional writers. Dante translated them into Italian verse. They
are the 6th, 31st, 37th, 50th, 101st, 129th, and 141st. The suffrages are the
Svffragia Sanctorum, or short prayers to the saints. The Dirige also consti-
tutes a part of the Primer. It is now corrupted into " Dirge." Of the fifteen
Gradual Psalms, or, as they are called in our Bibles, " Songs of Degrees,"
being Psalms 120—134, see Durandi Rationale, lib. v. cap. 2. numb. 39.

10 Pretlie little volume.~\ The custom of using the Psalter in an abri
form is of great antiquity : the Psalterium abbreviatum attributed t
Jerome occurs in very many of the old service books and books of devotion.
Kvcn to a few verses great value was attached. In a " prettie little volume,"
a " Psalterium" put forth by Casper Hochseder at Nuremberg in 1497, (cer-
tainly one of the smallest books printed in the fifteenth century, for it is only
2£ inches in height by 1$ inch in width), is this strange story told of St.
Bernard of Clairvaux, " Legitur in vita sancti Bernhardi abbatis ('l;trev;illis,
quod demon semel sibi apparuit, dicens se scire octo versus in p.salterio, quos
qui quotidie diccret, tantum ineriti acquireret ac si totum psalterium Davitirum
decantasset; et cum beatus Bernhardus instaret ut sibi eosdem versus osten-
ilrret. ill<- vem facere recusaret : tune beatus Bernhardus. • Scio.' iuquit, 'quid
faciam : nam quotidie legam totum psalterium, deinceps sirque pr.rdictos
versus non omittam.' Quod cum audisset demon, ne tantum honum I
posset sibi. hos versus ostendit." 'ITie verses are (in the Vul^n'-

Pa. xii. 4. lllumina oculos meos. xxx. 6. In manus tuas. zxxviii. 5. Locutus

SIR THOMAS MORE. 67

therefore to satisfie the better this his good purpose, he builded
at Chelsey, a good distance from his mansion-house, a place which
was called the New building, wherein was a chapel, a librarie, and
a gallerie ; in which, as his use was upon other daies to occupie
him in prayer and studie, so on the Fridaies there usuallie he
continued from morne till night, and oftentimes all night, spending
his tyme in devoute prayers and spiritual exercises. He used
often to punish his body with discipline n, especiallie every Fridaie,
great saincts eves, and at the fower tymes of ember weeke, with
whipps made of knotted cords. He used to weare a cilice, yea
often when he sate as high chancellour in judgment seat. But
because he would not be noted of singularitie, he conformed him-
selfe outwardlie to other men of the same state and vocation.
This no person did know but l his daughter Margaret, whome he
best trusted ; causing her sometymes, as need required, to wash his
shirt of haire. Once it chanced as he sate at supper in the summer
tyme, single in his doublet and hose, wearing upon the same shirt
of haire, a plaine linen shirt, without ruff or collar, that his sonne
Johns wife spied the same, and beganne to smile at it. His
daughter Margaret, marking the matter, presentlie told her father

sum. Ixxxv. 17. Fac mecum signum. cxv. 16. Dirupisti vincula meet. cxli.
5. Periit fuga a me. cxli. 6. Clamavi ad te.

11 To punish his body with discipline.'] "Then shalt thou understand, that
bodily pain (penance) stont in discipline, or teaching by word or writing, or
by ensample. Also in wearing of heer or stamin, or of habergeons on her
naked flesh for Christes sake ; and that such maner penaunces ne make not
thine heart bitter or angrie, ne annoyed of thy selfe ; for better is to cast away
thine heer, than to cast away the sweetnesse of Jesus Christ. — Then is disci-
pline also, in knocking of thy breast, in scourging with roddes, in kneeling, in
tribulation, suffring patiently wrongs that been doen to thee ; and also in
patient suffring of sicknesse, or lesing of worldly goodes, or cattel, or wife,
child, or other frendes." Chaucer's Parson's Tale, p. 197. edit. 1687.

1 Did know but.'] Thus we saw in the Life of Wolsey that " in afternoons
he would sit in contemplation with one of the most ancient fathers of the
Charter House in their cells, who converted him, and caused him to
despise the vain glory of the world : and gave him shirts of hair to wear, the
which he ware divers times after." And again ; with regard to the secrecy
practised in this discipline ; — " in which bag was no other thing inclosed, but
three shirts of hair, the which he delivered unto his chaplen and ghostly
father secretly." And again ; after his death, it was found " he had upon
him, next his body, a shirt of hair, (besides his other shirt, which was of
very fine holland,) which was not known to any of his servants, being conti-
nually about him in his chamber, saving to his ghostly father."

F 2

68 SIR THOMAS MORE.

of it. He, being sorrie that it was scene, straight amended it,
but spake not a word thereof.

In his parish church at Chelsey he build ed a faire chapel, and
endowed it with many rich ornaments ; and to the church where
he dwelt he gave copes, chalices, images, &c. And he would
often say, " let good folkes give apace, for there will be found too
many that will take away as fast." So much he loved the beautie
and glorie of the house of God, that if he had scene a faire and
comelie man of personage, he would say, " it is pittie yonder man
is not a priest, he would become an aultar well." The like he
would say of jewels and precious stones ; and in his Aunswere to
the Supplication of Beggars he exhortes gentlemen and ladies to
give to the church their rings, bracelets, borders, and the like ;
" for by keeping them," quoth he, " they but minister matter for
vanitie, and so for punishment ;• in giving them, procure merit
and spiritual benediction."

And, the more to doe honour to God^s service, he used, yea
when he was lord chancellour, to sit and sing in the quire with a
surplice on his backe. And once it happened, that the duke of
Norfolk3, coming to Chelsey to dyne with him. found him in that
manner. After service going home with him, anne in arme, he
said after this fashion, " Gods bodie, Gods bodie, lord chancellour,
a parish clarke ! a parish clarke3 ! you dishonour the king and his
office." "Nay," quoth Sir Thomas smiling upon the duke.
"your grace may not thinke, that the king, your muster and
myne, will be offended with men for serving of God, his maister ;
or by this my present behaviour account his office dishonoured."
Sir Thomas spake both devoutly, and like a wise man.

2 Duke of Norfolk.'] The victor of Flodden field.

* A parish clarke.~\ " So we rede of Kynge Roberta of Fraunce, that was
a connyng man, and so devout toward Goddes Sarvice, that he wolde be in
eche feaste in some Monastery for Divine Servyce. And not only he wolde
synge with the monkes, but also he wolde do on a cope, and stande and synge
as a Chantoure in myddes of the Quier. Whereof it hapned on a tyme whan
he beseged a Castel that was rebel agenst him, and the feast of Saynt Anyan
fell to be the same tyme at Orleaunce ; he lefte his hoste at sege, and went
thyder, and toke a cope, and songe in the middes of the Quier, as he was
\vonte to do. And when he came to Agnus Dei, and had begonne it thrice
with nn hy^li voyce, knelyng downe at each tyme on hys knees, the walles of
the Castell, that was besieged, fell downe soddcnly to the grounde : and so
tin- Castel was destroyed, and his enemys overcomen.— And thus ye may se,
that there is no better armure of defence agenst all enemyes, than d«
syngyng of our Lordes service." Mirror of our Lady, fol. 13. A.D. 1530.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 69

And this was one virtuous and godly custome of his, that when
he had committed to him any matter or office of importance, he
would goe to the church, and would be confessed, heare masse,
and be houseled ; and commend the matter to God, whose glorie
he principallie intended in all things he tooke upon him. He
would often goe on pilgrimage to holie places, but allway on
foote 4. In his processions in the Rogation week, he would be
present. And once when the procession was to goe (according to
the custome) to the confines of the parish, for his state and dig-
nitie he was requested to ease himselfe with a horse. He
answered, " God forbid he should follow his maister 5 on horse-
back, when lie went on foote." And this was much worth the
noting : such reverence he bore to holy and sanctified places, that
there he would neither talke nor confer of any temporal matter,
thoughe the matter were of weight and speedie, and his leisure at
other tymes but very short.

2. There was nothing in the world that more pleased and com-
forted him, than when he had done some good deed to other men ;
of whom some he relieved with his money, some by his authoritie,
some by his good worde, some with his good counsail. Never
was there anie man that sought relief and help at his hands,
that went not from him cheerful. For he was, as a man may
say, the publique patrone of the poore, and thought he had pro-
cured himself a great benefit or treasure, as often as he could
by his counsail or other wise, pleasure and ease the mind of
anie man in anie difficult matter, either ghostlie or bodilie ; or
if he could pacifie any that were at variance and debate. He
would before he was chancellour goe by obscure places and lanes,
and give his almes verie liberallie, not by the pennie or half-pennie,
but sometymes five, ten, twenty, thirty, forty shillings, according
to everie ones necessitie. He often invited his poore neighbours

4 But allway on foote.~] " Quod in Anglia (says Stapleton) vix plebei
faeiunt." Tres Thomce, p. 88. The pilgrims to Becket's shrine, so cele-
brated by Chaucer, were all on horseback.

5 Follow his maister J] This refers to the Crucifix, or else to the elements of
the Eucharist, both of which (at dhTerent periods) were wont to be carried in
the front of these processions. Stapleton, I see, adopts the former interpre-
tation. Tres Thomce, p. 87- " Non tantum proponunt panem eucharisticum
divino cultu adorandum, sed etiam ilium in equo gradario, quocunque ipsi
iter faeiunt, ut olim ignem Persicum aut Isidis sacra, circumferunt." Juelli
Apolog. Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 394. This "equus gradarius" was
only for occasions of special pomp and solemnity. See Harding against
Jewell, and Jewell's Defence.

70 SIR THOMAS MORE.

to his table, and would be merrie and pleasant with them. But
those that were riche and of wealthe seldom were invited. In
Chelsey he hired a house for lame, poore and old men, and kept
them at bed and at borde, at his owne cost and charges.

3. Sir Thomas was of a mild, gentle and patient nature. lie
never hated any. For he would say, " Either he whom I hate is
good or bad. — If he be good, then am I naught to hate him. If
he be ill, either he will amend, and so be saved ; or else persevere
ill, and so everlastinglie perish. If he shall be saved, why should
I hate him whom eternallie I must love, like, and delight in ? If
he shall be damned, his torments and paines shall be so great and
intolerable, that rather we have cause to pitie and have compas-
sion for his miserie, than to add affliction to affliction, in hating
and envying him." Mr. William Roper, for sixteen yeares space
he lived in his house, never sawe him so much as once in anie
fume or choler.

On a tyme, when he was lord chancellour of England, the
water bailiffe of London, sometyme his servant, having heard,
where he was at dynner, certaine merchants falsely to slander and
raile against his old maister, waxed so discontented therewith,
that he came hastilie to Sir Thomas, and told him what he had
heard. " And were I, Sir,"" quoth he, " in that authoritie and
place that your lordshippe is, surelie such men should not be suf-
fered, so villanouslie and falslie, to misreporte me : wherefore I
would wish that they were called to their answere, and aeeord-
inglie punished for theire iU tongues." Sir Thomas smiling upon
him said, " Why. Mr. Water-baylie, will you have me punish
those, by whome I receive more benefit, than by you all that he
my friendes? Let them, in Gods name, speake as lewdlie of me
as they list, and shoote never so manie arrowes at me; so none
liit me, what am I the worse for that? But if they .should hit
me, then it would not a little trouble me. I have more cause, I
a »i ire you, Mr. Water-baylie. to pitie. than to be angrio \\ith
them: and 1 pray you, do you the like."1

He would never sinister-lie or suspiciouslie take anie tiling ^ i it
ten, done, or spoken against him. perverting and \vrin^in^ it to
the worst, but make alwaies the best of every matter: and \\hen
the fft'uin could not be defended, he would defend tli
except it were too apparent evil.

If it happened anie learned man to resort to him from Ox-
ford»'. Cambridge, or else\\here. as divers did. >om<- for de>iiv of
hi> acquaintance. BOOM for the famous reporte of his wisdom and

SIR THOMAS MORE. Yl

learning, some for his counsaile in law matters, and to fall into
argument and dispute with him ; he would gladlie accept of such
discourses, and therein he would shew such skill that few were
found comparable unto him. And at length, if he perceived they
could not holde further disputation without some inconvenience,
lest he should discourage or make them blush, he would, as one
that sought not his owne glorie, seeme to be conquered : and to
animate them in theire studies, he would seeme more desirous to
learn of them than to teache.

A little before 6 he was chancellour, it happened by negligence
of one of his neighbours carts, all his barnes, and corne, and
parte of his dwelling-house to be burnt ; whereof when he under-
stood it, he was not a whit moved ; and being at the courte when
it happened, he presentlie wrote a comfortable letter to his wife,
willing her, her children, and all her familie to repaire to the
church, and give Grod thanks, who might have taken awaye all
the resydue ; and willed diligent searche and inquirie to be made,
what damage his poore neighbours had taken thereby, which he
said should be recompenced to the uttermost. The copie of
this letter, because it is both sweet and devout, I will put it
downe, as I finde it in his owne workes, word for word.

" Maistres Alyce7, in my most hearty wise I recommend me
to you.

" And whereas I am infourmed by my son Heron, of the losse
of our barnes, and our neighbours also, with all the corne that
was therein : albeit, saving Gods pleasure, it is grete pitie of so
much good corne lost, yet sith it hath liked him to sende us
such a chaunce, we must, and are botmden, not only to be con-
tent, but also to be glad of his visitation. He sent us all that

6 A little before.'] " Sir Thomas More was made Lorde Chauncellour of
England in Michaelmas terme, in the yere of our Lord 1529, and in the 21st
yere of King Henry VIII. And in the latter ende of the harvest then next
before, Sir T. More, then Chauncellour of the Duchy of Lancaster, being re-
tourned from Cameray in Flanders, where he had been embassadour from the
Kinge, rode immediatly to the King at Woodstock. And while he was there
with the King, part of his owne dwelling house at Chelsey, and all his barnes
there full of corne, sodenlie fell on fier, and were burnt, and all the corne
therein, by the negligence of one of his neighbours cartes that carried the
corne ; and by occasion thereof were divers of his next neighbours barnes
burnt also." Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1418. A.D. 1557.

7 Maistres AlyceJ] His second wife, the widow of Middleton.

72 SIR THOMAS MORE.

we have lost ; and sith he hath by such a chaunce taken it away
againe, his pleasure be fulfilled ! Let us never grudge thereat,
but take it in good worth, and hartely thank him, as well for
adversitie, as prosperitie. And peradventure we have more
cause to thank him for our losse, than for our winning. For
his wisdome better seeth what is good for us than we do
ourselves.

" Therefore, I praye you, be of good chere ; and take all the
houshold with you to church, and there thank God both for that
he hath given us, and for*that he hath taken from us. and for
that he hath left us. which if it please him, he can encrease when
he will. And if it please hym to leave us yet lesse, at his pleasure
be it ! I praye you to make some good ensearche what my
poore neighbours have loste, and bidde them to take no thought
therefore : for and I should not leave myself a spoone, there shall
no poore neighbour of mine bear no losse by any chaunce hap-
pened in my house. I pray you be with my children and your
houshold merry in God : and devise somewhat with your friendes,
what waye were best to take for provision to be made for corne
for our household, and for seede this year coming, if ye think it
goode that we keepe the ground still in our handes. A ml whether
ye thinke it good that we shall do so or not, yet I think it wnv
not best sodenlye thus to leave it all up, and to put awaye our
folk of our farme, till we have somewhat advised us thereon.
Ilowbeit if ye have more nowe than ye shall neede, and which
can get them other maisters, ye may then discharge us of them.
But I would not that any man were sodenly sent away he \
never whither.

uAt my coining hither, I perceived none other, but thai I
.should tarry still with the king's grace. JJut now I shall. I
think, because of this chance, get leave this next week to come
home, and see you: and then shall we further de\ iher.

upon all thin^es. what order shall he hest to take. And thus
as liartely tare you well, with all your children, as ye can wishr.
At Woodstoke, the thirde daye of Septeinhre. by the hand of
your loving husbande

" THOMAS MOKI-.

Towards his father he gave many proofes of his natural affection
and lowlie inindc. Whensoever he passed through \Vestiuiii>t»T
Hall to his place in the chanccric by the court of the

SIR THOMAS MORE. 73

Bench, if his father who sat there as judge, had been set downe
ere he came, he would goe to him, and reverently kneeling downe
in sight of all aske him blessing. This virtuous custome 8 he
alwayes solemnlie observed ; though then men after theire
marriages thought themselves not bound to these duties of
younger folkes. If they had at readings at Lincolnes inn or
elsewhere chanced to have met togeather, he would offer in argu-
ments and other observaunces the preheminence to his father,
though for his office the father would not accept of it. These
respects of an obedient child he kept whilst his father lived ;
and after he never forgat, both by hartie prayers, and manie
tender remembrances of his virtue. In his death-bed he often
came to visite him, and gave him most comfortable words,
and procured all helpes both for bodie and soule, that in such
cases be requisite. After his departure out of this world, with
sighes and teares taikinge him about the necke he kissed and
imbraced him, and commending his soule into the hands of his
Creator caused many good prayers to be said for his soules
ease.

And for all this gentle and meeke disposition of nature, yet
his adversaries the Lutherans laid to his great charge, that
towards Luther, Pomerane9, Tindall, Frith, Barnes, and such
other filth, he was very uncurteous and uncivill, that would in
writing against theire blasphemous hereses, presume without
great reverence forsooth to rehearse their worshipfull names.
But thus he aunswered himselfe. " If," quoth he 10, " anie of the

8 This virtuous customeJ] " Non detrectavit publice in palatio Westmonas-
terii, loco judiciorum publico, a Patre flexis genibus, juxta optimum gentis
nostra morem, benedictionem petere. Solent enim apud nos liberi quotidie mane
ac vesperi benedictionem flexo poplite ab utroque parents petere. Qui mos si
apud alias quasdam gentes obtineret, haberent parentes filios magis morigeros,
haberet respublica subditos magis obsequentes, haberet ecclesia fideles magis
obedientes. Tametsi vero etiam apud nos viri jam facti, et vel conjugati, vel
ad aliquam nobiles, hoc obsequii genus parentibus suis amplius non praestent,
tamen Thomas Morus pro insita sibi a teneris annis pietate et humilitate,
etiam sceptra Anglicani regni gerens, et primus post regem, senem patrem
hoc honore prosequi non recusavit." Stapletoni Tres Thoma> p. 12. edit.
1588.

9 Pomerane^] i. e. John Bugenhagen, who was a native of Pomerania.

10 ttjf," quoth he.'] See Sir Thomas More's Works, p. 865. The extract is
not made with scrupulous exactness. And it is hardly necessary to remark,
that the same is true of the pretended citations, given a little below, from
Martin Luther.

74 SIR THOMAS MORE.

new learned use theire wordes at theire owne pleasure, as evill
and as villanous as they list against myself, I am contented to
forbeare the requiting thereof, and give them no worse wordes
againe, than if they had spoken me faire. But using themsi
against saincts, church, sacraments, priest, prince, people, and all
that have been and are catholiques, so ungraciously and ungodlie
as they do, faire words I will not give them. If they speake me
foule they shall the better please me, for I delight not to have
the pleasant oile of heretikes cast on my head : and the worse that
folks speake or write of me, for hatred of the catholike faith, for
my part they doe me the greater pleasure. But rayling as they
doe against all holies, I purpose not to beare that so patienttie,
as to forbeare to let them heare some parte of their langu.
though not with that grace that they doe it. For to match them
herein, I neither can though I would, neither would I if I could ;
thinking it much worth rebuke, therein to strive for inaistrie.
For in railing standeth all theire revel ; with railing is their
roast meat basted, all their pots seasoned, all theire pye meate
spiced, and all their manchet made of it." He added further.
" If these gospellers,1" saith he, " will not cease to be heretiks,
let them at least be reasonable heretikes, and honest men ; let
them write if not reason, yet after a reasonable manner, and 1
rayling. Then hardlie let these evangelicall brethren find fault
with me, if I use them not in words as faire and as milde as
the matter may beare ; but assure them, if they write as they
doe, I will handle them no otherwise than I have done V

1 Than I have done.~\ It may well be doubted whether this apology can be
regarded as satisfactory. It is certain that George Joye, George Constantino,

even Vox himself, as we have occasionally seen), expressed themselves
in very coarse and intemperate language. But will this justify a man in the
circumstances of Sir Thomas More, writing against Luther and others, in
such a manner as is described in the following extract from bishop Atterlmry ?
" Sir Thomas More took up the quarrel : a man (as they tell us) much a
Christian, much a gentleman, and naturally of great mildness and random1:
who yet forgot himself so far in this answer to Luther, that he has there
thrown out the greatest heap of nasty language, that perhaps ever was put
together. The book throughout is nothing but downright ribaldry, without
a grain of reasoning to support it; and gave the author no other repir
but that of having the best knack, of any man in Kurope, at railing bad
names in good Latin .... If the reader has a rnind to see railing in perfec-
tion, let him open any page of this book, and he will have a glut «
Atterbury's J-'jiislolary Correspondence, Visitation Charges, &c., vol. iii. p.
A.D. 1784. ["Yet

SIR THOMAS MORE. 75

Luther theire great patriarche of Germanie, drunken with the

" Yet he shewed mercy to one for his wit, as I have read in an old MS.
For, examining a Protestant, whose name was Silver, he told him, after his
jesting way, that ' Silver must be tried in the fire.5 ' Ay,' said Silver, ' but
quick-Silver will not abide it.' With which ready answer being delighted, he
dismissed him." Strype's Eccles. Mem., vol. i. p. 205.

" There is one standing excuse for a favourite writer which may pass cur-
rent for every thing that is offensive, whatever be its kind or degree — that is,
the manners of the age. Only take that with you — take it, perhaps, from
some writer who repeats the phrase like a parrot, without knowing any thing
about the age or its manners or language — take it only on trust as a phrase
to which you do not, perhaps, yourself affix a very clear idea, and it is sufficient
to cover any sin against propriety and decorum, and almost religion. With
this salvo you may be expected to read with edification such things as if spoken
or written in the present day would be considered absolutely ungodly and
profane.

" If, however, we wish to form a true judgment, this point must be looked
into and settled. It is quite clear that some words and phrases which were in
common use three hundred years ago, and which had then no character of
coarseness, would be considered intolerably gross in the present day ; but
this, really, has nothing to do with the matter now under consideration. No
more has any notion that may have been set on foot respecting the free, blunt,
plain speech of our forefathers. It is not with coarse words or plain speech
as such that we are concerned ; though, at the same time, the use of coarse
language in particular circumstances and to particular persons must be taken
into account. I suppose, for instance, that there never was a period in the
history of the united Church of England and Ireland when it would have
been thought quite common-place and Christian for the Bishop of Ossory
deliberately, and in print, to address the Bishop of London as a ' beastlye
belly-god and dampnable donge-hille.'

" But one of the most material, and in an historical point of view most
injurious, effects of this sort of misrepresentation is, that it comes to be taken
for granted that the fierce and virulent scurrility of some of the puritan libels,
which cannot be entirely concealed or defended, even by the most thorough-
going partizans, was not characteristic of the writers, but of the times.
Bishop Burnet is even kind enough to make a sort of an excuse for Sir
Thomas More, by saying, ' he wrote according to the way of the age with
much bitterness' (Hist, of Ref . vol. i. p. 31); and so the bishop's readers
may naturally infer that, whatever may be meant by ' much bitterness,' and
whatever degree of it may be found in Sir Thomas More's works, it belonged
not to the man, but was * the way of the age ' — that it was the way of peo-
ple in those days ; very wrong, no doubt, but at the same time as good for
one as for another ; the puritans abused the papists, and the papists abused
the puritans, tit for tat. As if Sir Thomas More and John Bale were as like
as two peas.

" Now, as far as I have yet been able to learn, this is really a false view of
things. It is true enough that each party abused the other, and that many

76 SIR THOMAS MORE.

dreggs of heresie, belched forth a filthie booke, farst * full of lies
and blasphemies, intituled De Captivitate Balylonica. This booke
in part was aunswered by King Henry VIIL, in a work of his
written for the Defence of the Seven Sacraments. With this
booke was Luther mightilie stung and offended ; and having not
to aunswere, fell to rayling and scoffing; and through all his
aunswere to the king useth almost no other figure, but saucie
malepeart; and plaieth the verie varlet; and in plainc words
giveth the king the lie, which to the majestic of a king, no man
may utter by the lawes of nations ; and useth so foule and un-
seemlie words, that a very ribbalde would blush to use the lik<>.
And this he saith : " Forasmuch as the pope, emperor, bysshopps.
priests, laitie, and all that be good, condemne my doctrine ; it
shall be as lawful for me, to accurse and condemne tin in. Yea
to checke and to rate them, I will spit out of my mouth all the
dirt, mucke, japes that I can upon theire owne heads, crownes
and scepters." With such like, or worse shameful stutt' is the
booke embalmed, that it smels worse than anie tripe wives tub.
And in another place he calleth the king " knave" and telleth
him uthat he is possessed with a legion of divells." JJut Sir
Thomas More so dressed him with his owne scolding and jesting
rhetorike, that he burst the verie hart of Luther. Respon<l< .</////»>
secundum stultitiam mam, ne videatur sibi sapiens, " Aunswere a
foole to his follie, lest he take him selfe for a wise man." So
did Sir Thomas aunswere Luther. But because it seemed not
agreeable to his gravitie, suppressing his owne name, he set forth
the booke in the name of William Rosse 8, a mad companion that

keen, severe, false, and malicious things were put forth by the Romish party ;
but for senseless cavilling, scurrilous railing and ribaldry, for the most offensive
personalities, for the reckless imputation of the worst motives and most odious
vices ; in short, for all that was calculated to render an opponent hateful in
the eyes of those who were no judges of the matter in dispute, some of the
puritan party went far beyond their adversaries." — Dr. Mait land's Essays on
the Reformation, p. 46 — 48.

2 Farst.] Stuffed; from the French, farcir.

" He's not yet thorough warm, farce him with praises."

Troilus and Cressida.

* In the name of William Rosse.] Under the following title, " Krudin
viri (iuiliclmi Knssei opus elegans, docturn, fcstiviun. pium. quo piilcherrime
retegit, ac refellit insanas Lutheri calumnias; quibus invicti>simum Angliae
(iallueque regem Henricum ejus nominis octavum. Fidri (Irfcnson in, hand
literis minus quam regno clarum, scurra turpissimus insectatur: excusum denuo

SIR THOMAS MORE. 77

then wandered in Italie, and for the manner of his behaviour was
well known of most men.

Againe, the heretikes did saie, " he was a very chollericke and
passionated man. And once he shewed it, for the escape of one
Constantine an heretike, who was set in stocks, at his command-
ment, in his owne house, so that for the space of three dayes, for
meere anger, he would neither eate nor drinke." But it was
most false. Onelie he called for the porter *, and wished him to
repaire and amend the stocks, least the fellow that ranne away,
might haplie runne in againe ; and so made but a sport of it,
saying, " I will not blame him for this his fact ; for I was never
so hard to please, that I would be angrie with a man that would
rise and walk, when he cannot easilie sit." His serenitie of
minde 5 was alwayes alike. Neither welth, riches, offices, nor
disgrace, nor want could disturb him.

4. What wrecke and mine hath honour and riches brought to
manie a good man dailie experience teacheth. And he that hath
so ruled his shipp, in passing through these gulphes, without touch
of either rocke or shallow, fecit mirabilia in vita sua, " he hath
wrought wonders in his life ;" quis est hie, et laudabimus eum ?
" who is he, and we will praise him ?"

Sir Thomas More spent most of his life in worldlye honours
and high offices, where much wealth might be had. Yet inventus
est sine macula, nee post aurum abiit, "he was found without spot,
not coveting after gold." The office of chancellourship, being
the greatest office of this realme of England, and in dignitie next
to the king, he was very unwilling to take it upon him ; and he

diligentissime, digestumque in capita, adjunctis indicibus opera viri doctissimi
Joannis Carcellii. Londini, 1 523." 4to.

4 He called for the porter.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 902.

5 His serenitie of minde.~\ " It happened one day (says Mr. Aubrey, in his
Manuscript Lives) that a mad Tom of Bedlam came up to Sir Thomas More,
as he was contemplating, according to his custom, on the leads of the gate-
house of his palace at Chelsea, and had a mind to have thrown him from the
battlements, crying out, ' Leap, Tom, leap ! ' The chancellor was in his
gown, and besides, antient and unable to struggle with such a strong fellow.
My Lord had a little dog with him ; * Now,' said he, ' let us first throw the
dog downe, and see what sport that will be.' So the dog was thrown over.
' Is not this fine sport ? ' said his Lordship. « Let us fetch him up and try it
again.' As the madman was going down, my Lord fastened the door, and
called for help." — Seward's Anecdotes, vol. iv. p. 111.

78 SIR THOMAS MORE.

had utterly refused it, had it not been unmeet and unseemlie,
obstinatelie to gainsay and contradict the kings pleasure ; who of
entire affection and love made choice of him, as thinking him
the meetest man of all others for that place. Cardinal Wolsey,
when he sawe he must needes forgoe his office, which he pos-
sessed immediatelie before sir Thomas, though he never bore him
true hartie love, yet thought him the fittest, for his wit, learning,
and other qualities to succeede him in his roome. This he cer-
tainely, yea feelingly knewe, by the experience he had of him.
Sir Thomas thought it not his dewtie to withdrawe his service.'
from his prince and countrie. So between the^dukes of Norfolk*'
and Suffolke 6 he was brought through Westminster Hall to his
place in the chancerie ; where the duke of Norfolke, in open
audience of all there assembled, shewed "that he was from the
king himself strictly charged, by special commission, openlie to
make declaration, how much all England was beholden to sir
Thomas More, for his good service ; and how wort-hie he was to
have the highest roome in the realme : and how dearlie his grace
loved and trusted him : so for this election all have cause to
rejoyce, and give God thankes." \Vherunto Sir Thomas,
amongst other his grave and wise saings, giving the duke humble
thankes for his faire speeches, aunswered, "That although"1
(quoth he) " I have good cause to take comforte of his highness''
singular favor towards me, in that he hath alwayes, above my
desertes, esteemed of all my endeavoures, yet I must, for my own
part, syncerelie confesse I have done noe more than my bound i-n
dutie required ; and have manie times, for lacke of wisdome,
learning and diligence, not so fullie performed my other mean, r
offices, but that many hundred in the land might be found better
able to performe them than my selfe. But being now cnhaiinced
to this high roome, which requires all the learning of the la-
customes, and privileges of this land; so profound and polltique
a head as to weild matters of great importance, which this
mightie and rich realme hath to manage, I tivnildc to think
myne owne insufficiencie ; and withall, considering how \\ix- and

6 The dukes of Norfolke and Suffolke.] It will be remembered that these
two noblemen were great enemies of Wolsey (see vol. i. p. 5«-2_i. but it has
ever since been a custom for a lord chancellor, newly appointed, to be accom-
panied to his court, on his first taking his seat as chancellor, by all of high
rank whom he can muster to attend him.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 79

honorable a prelate hath latelie taken a sore fall in this loftie
seate " (and here he sits him downe), " I have little cause to
rejoyce, fearing a like or worse mishap. Wherefore, as I am
charged, in the king^s behalf before you all to minister justice
indifferentlie to all people, without corruption or affection, so I
likewise charge you all, on the fidelitie you owe to God and the
king, that if you shall see me at any time in any matter to digresse
from anie parte of dutie in this honourable office, not to faile to
disclose it to the kings highness ; otherwise his grace might have
good reason to lay my faults on your necks, seeing this is the
onelie way to remedie what may be amisse." — These were some
speeches of his at his first entrance to that office ; wherein so
excellentlie he quitted himselfe that he wonne great fame and
commendation.

It happened once one of his sonnes in law said merrilie unto
him, " When cardinal Wolsey was lord chancellour manie got
well by him. Not only those that were neare about him, but his
yeomen, door-keepers and porters had their gaine. And sith I
have married one of your daughters, and give attendance still on
you, in good reason, methinks, I might look for something."
" And soe thou maist sonne," quoth he ; " for I may manie
wayes pleasure you, or your friend : either by my good worde, or
letter ; or if you have a cause depending before me ; at youre
request, I may heare that before another ; or if your, or your
friends cause be not the best, I may move the parties to fall to
some reasonable composition by arbitrement. Howbeit one thing
I assure thee on my faith and honestie, I will never goe against
equitie and conscience ; no, if my father stood on the one side
and the divell on the other, if his cause were good, the divell
should have his right." And this afterwards appeared to be true
in his sonne Herons case. For he having a matter in the chan-
cerie, and presuming too much of his fathers favour, would by
no means be persuaded to agree to anie indifferent order ; then
he made a flat decree against him.

Being in this high office, he used commonlie every affcer-noone,
at his owne house at Chelsey, to sit in his halle, to the intent
that all that had anie suit to him, might boldlie come to his
presence. He kept noe door shut. Bothe to riche and poore he
was readie to give audience. His manner was, before he would
award any sub-pwna, to reade over every bill of complaint him-
selfe : and if he found matter sufficient, he would set his hand

80 SIR THOMAS MORE.

unto it; if not, he would presently cancel it. He dispatched
moe causes in shorter space than were wont to be in manic
yeares, before or since. For once he sat when there was noe
man or matter to be heard. This he caused to be enrolled in
the publique acts of that court. It is strange to them that
know there have been causes there depending some dozen \-.
And there be so many things there heard, that it will be a rare
thing to heare the like againe.

Once he made a decree against one Pernell, at the suite of
Mr. Vaughan. This said Pernell complained grevously to the
kin"-, that his chancellour was a great briber and extortioner ;
and that he receaved by Vaughans wife, for giving sentence with
her husband, a faire gilded cup, for a bribe. By the kings ap-
pointment, after he had given up his chancellourship, he was
called before the council to answere that matter ; where by the
lord of Wilshire 7, who misliked him for his religion, it was forci-
bly urged against him, as a heynous cryme. Sir Thomas thus
replied, " For as much as the cup was brought me for a new
years gift, long after the decree was made, at the gentlewomans
importunate pressing it upon me, I confesse, I refused not to
receive it." The lord his enemie, in a rejoicing manner, not
expecting the rest of his speech, " My lords/' quoth he, " I told
you you should finde a foule matter of it : for I was enformed
certainelie of the truth of it.'1 Whereupon sir Thomas desired
their lordshipps, that as they had curteouslie heard him tell the
one parte of his tale, so they would of their honours indifferentlie
heare the rest. So he declared unto them, "that albeit." quoth
he, " I did indeed, with much a-doe, receive the cup, yet imme-
diately I caused my butler to fill it with wine, and I dranke to
the bearer, Mrs. Vaughan; and when she had pledged in< . I
gave her the cup againe, as freelie as she gave it me, to deliver
to her husband for his new-yeares gift ; and at my instant request,
against her will, she was forced to receive it. This her selfe shall
depose, and others now here present can witnesse it."

And at another tyme, upon a new yeares dnye. there came to
him one Mistress Crocker, a riche widowe, for whom he had
made a decree against the carle of A rnndel ". and she presented
him with a pa ire of gloves and forty pounds in an^ells in them,
of whom thankfully he receaved the gloves, and refusing the

"> The lord of Wilshire.'] Sir Thomas Boleyn.
8 Earle of Arundel.] William Fit/ Alan. K .<..

SIR THOMAS MORE. 81

money said unto her, " Mistris, since it were against good man-
ners to for-sake a gentlewomans new years gift, I am contented
to take your gloves, but as for the money I utterlie refuse it."
So he forced her to take her gold againe.

A gentleman, one Mr. Gresham, having a cause depending
before him in the chancerie, sent, for a new years gift, a faire
golden cup, the fashion whereof liking him well, he caused one of
his owne presentlie to be brought him. His ovvne was better in
value, but in his mynde not of so good a fashion ; this he gave
the messenger to deliver to his maister in recompence of his, and
under other condition he would in no wise receive his maisters
cup. Such was his innocencie and clearness, evidentlie proved
to be voide of all corruption and partial affection.

You have heard how Sir Thomas, before he came to the king's
service, had a very worshipful living. After, he was of the kings
council, under-treasurer, chauncellour of the duchie, and after
high chancellour of England. Moreover, how he was in manie
honorable ambassages, alwayes in great favour with the king, and
in his expences he was never prodigal nor wasteful : yet for all
this 9, after the resignation of his office of chancellourship, he had
not, for the maintenance of him selfe, his wife, children and
nephewes, of all the lands and fees he had in England, besides
the kings gift, not yearlie the full summe 10 of fiftie poundes ;
whereof some he had by his later wife, who was a widow when he
married her ; some was left him by his father ; some he pur-
chased ; and some fees he had of some temporal men his frendes.
As for the lands he purchased, they were not above the value of
twenty marks by the yeere. And after his debts paide, except
his chaine of gold, he had not in gold and silver left him the
value of one hundred pounds. Compare it with the wealth of some
men that have these latter yeares possessed his offices, and there
will appeare two-pence halfpennie a-yeare difference.

9 Yet for all this.~\ See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 867.

10 The full summe.'] " After the resignation of his office of the Lord Chaun-
cellor, he was not able, for the maintenaunce of himself, and such as neces-
sarilie belonged unto him, sufficiently to finde meate, drinke, fewell, apparell,
and such other necessarie thinges ; but was inforced and compelled for lacke
of other fewell, every nighte before he wente to bed, to cause a greate burden
of feme to be brought into his owne chamber, and with the blaze thereof to
warme himself, his wife, and his children, and so without any other fire to
goe to theyre beds."— Life by Harpsfield. Lambeth MSS. No. 827.

VOL. II. G

82 SIR THOMAS MORE.

At that time he called all his children unto him, and asked
their advice, how they might, now in this decay of his abilitie,
by the surrender of his offices so much impaired, that he could
not as he was wont, and gladlie would, beare out the whole charge
of them all himselfe, from hence-forth be able to live and continue
together, as he would wish they should. When he sawe them
silent, and not readie in that case to utter theire opinions, " I
will then" (said he) " show you my poore minde.

" I have bin brought up at Oxforde, at the inns of chancerie,
at Lincolns inn, and also in the king^s court, and so forth from
the lowest to the highest ; and yet I have not in yearlie revenues
at this present left me little above one hundred pounds, either by
inheritance, gift, or fee ; so that we must hereafter, if we like to live
together, be content to become contributaries. But by my counsel,
it shall be best for us not to falle to the lowest fare at first. So
we will not descende to Oxforde fare, nor to the fare of New inn,
but we will beginne with Lincolns inn diet, where manie right
worshipful of good years doo live full well. Which, if we the first
yeare find not ourselves able to maintaine, then will we the next
yeare stepp one foote lower to New inn fare, with which manie
an honest man is contented. If that also exceed our abilitie, then
we will the next yeare after fall to Oxforde fare11, where manie

11 Fall to Oxforde fare. ,] The fare of the Universities at that time was
indeed sufficiently scanty and hard (unless it underwent a great deterioration
in the course of the next seventeen years), as we may fully learn from a
description of the state of the sister university, given at St. Paul's Cross in
the year 1550, by Thomas Lever, soon after made master of St. John's
College.

"There be divers ther" (at Cambridge) " whych rise dayly betwixe foure
and fy ve of the clocke in the mornynge, and from fyve untill syxe of the
clock use commen prayer, wyth an exhortation of Gods worde, in a commen
chapell ; and from syxe unto ten of the clock use ever eyther pry vate study
or common lectures. At ten of the clocke they go to dinner ; whereas they
be contente with a penye piece of biefe amongest four, havyng a few potage
made of the broth of the same beefe, wyth salte and otemele, and nothynge
dies. After this slender dinner they be eyther teachinge or learninge untyli
five of the clocke in the eveninge, when as they have a supper not much
better then their dynner. Immediatelye after the which they goo eyther to
reasoninge in problemes, or unto summe other studyc, untyli it he nine or
tenne of the clocke ; and then being without fyre, are feyne to walke or run
up and downe haulfe an houre, to get a heate on their fete, when they go to
bed.

"These be menne not werye of their paynes, but verye sorye to leve theyr

SIR THOMAS MORE. 83

grave and ancient fathers be continuallie conversaunte ; which if
our power stretch not to maintaine, then may we, like poore
schollers of Oxforde, goe a begging with our bags and wallets,
and sing salve regina 12 at rich mens doores, where for pitie some
goode folkes will give us their mercifull charitie ; and so keep
companie and be merrie togeather."

And that he might the more quietlie settle himself to the ser-
vice of God, he made a conveiance for the disposition of all his
lands, reserving to himselfe an estate onelie for terme of life ; and,
after his discease, reserving some part thereof to his wife ; some
to his sonnes wife a, for a jointure, in consideration she was an
inheritrix of a faire living in Yorkshire; and some to master
William Roper and his wife, in recompence of their marriage
money, with divers remainders over and above. Which con-
veyance and assurance was perfectly finished, long before that
matter, whereupon he was attainted, was made an offence, and
yet afterwards by statute clearlie avoided ; and so were all his
lands, that he had assured to his wife and children, contrarie to
all order of law, taken away from them, and confiscate unto the
kings hands, saving that portion which he had appointed to master
William Roper ; which although he had in the former conveiance
reserved for terme of life, as the rest, nevertheless upon further

studye ; and sure they be not able some of them to continue for lacke of ne-
cessary exhibicion and relief." Signat. D 5. edit. 1550.

12 And sing salve regina.~] The good Catholic beggars asked their alms in
honour and worship of our Lady. And even in the character of a mendicant
Sir Thomas would, in singing the hymn Salve Regina, have continued to give
testimony of his orthodoxy. It was objected to Joane John, early in the
reign of Henry VIII., that "she despised the pope, his pardons, and
pilgrimages ; and that when any poore body asked his almes of her in the
worship of the Ladie of Walsingham, shee would straight answere in contempt
of the pilgrimage, The Ladie of Walsingham helpe thee." — Fox's Acts, p. 735.
On the other hand the Protestant beggars, and those who hoped to prevail
with the Protestants, preferred their suit in the name of "the Lord." "These
folkes," (says a zealous Romanist, in the time of Q. Mary) " woulde never
saye ' oure Lorde,' which they said was a papistical terme, but ' the Lorde,'
whiche declared them to be favourers of Gods word as they thought. And
this terme was so universallye used, that the poore beggars hadde gotte it by
the ende, by reason that begging thus * For the Lordes sake have pitie upon
the poore/ they thoughte the sooner to spede; and you shall heare it of manye
of their mouthes as yet." — Christopherson's Exhortation against Rebellion.
Signat. S. 2. A.D. 1554.

1 His sonnes wife. ~] Anne Chrisacre, or Cresacre. Seep. 111.

G 2

84 SIR THOMAS MORE.

consideration, two days after, upon a further conveiance he gave
the same immediatelie in possession to master Roper. And so,
because the statute had undone that (only) which Sir Thomas
was possessed of, the later conveiance was out of the compasse
of the statute. So his livelihoods, after his attainture, were very
meane to support the state of a knight, and counsellor to the
King.

Yet for all this, Tindall, and his other evangelical brothers sai,
and lie apace, " that they wist well, that Sir Thomas More, after
he gave over his chauncellourship, he was no lesse worth in
money, plate, and other moveables than twenty thousand markes."
Which report 2 Sir Thomas hearing, " I confess" (quoth he) " if I
had heaped up so much goods togeather, as these brethren do
reporte, I could not have gotten them by right, and goode con-
science.11 And indeed after, he was founde to be a verie poore
man, when his house was ransacked and searcht, presentlie upon
his committing to the Towere, where those that had that office
appointed did give evident testimonie of his poore estate. And
this his povertie was well knowne before to the bishops, and other
his especiall frends. The bishops of Durham3, Bath4, and AVin-
chester 8 sent him twentie pounds, to buy him a gowne, and a letter
withall, desiring him to accompanie them to the coronation of
qneen Anne ; which he receaved, and at the next meeting said
merrilie unto them in this sort. " My lords11 (quoth he) " in the
letters your honours latelie sent me, you required two things of
me, the one whereof, sith I was so well content to graunte you, I
thought I might be so bold as to deny the other ; and this I did
concerning the first, because I tooke you for no beggers, and
myself I know to be no rich man, so I was the bolder upon that
&c. &C.11 The rest of his speech to the bishops at this tynic. I
reserve for an after chapter, because he rather seemed to have
prophesied, than to have spoken of any probabilitie of worldly
appearance.

The hereticks laid to his charge ° that he had receaved great
sommes of money of the clergie, for writinge bookes against their
new learning. This was a shameful and an open slander. The

Which report.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 902.

Durham.] Cuthbert Tunstall.

Bath.] John Clerk.

Winchester.'] Stephen Gardiner.

Laid to his charge.] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 867.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 85

truth is, the bishops and clergie of England, seeing the great
travaile and pains he tooke in writing for the defence of the ca-
tholicke faith, and the suppressing of heresies, the reformation
whereof principallie appertained to their pastoral cures, they think-
ing themselves by his travaile in that behalfe, more than half
discharged, and considering, for all his princes favours and high
offices, he was no rich man, nor in yearlie revenues advanced as
his worthines deserved ; therefore at a convocation, amongst
themselves, they agreed to gather up a somme of five thousand
pounds towards some recompense of his pains, to the payment
whereof everie one of the clergie, after the rate of their abilities,
were liberalle contributors. Where Tunstall, bishopp of Durham,
Clarke, bishopp of Bathe, Vesey, bishopp of Excester, repaired to
him, declaring " how thankfully, for his travailes in Gods cause
they reckoned themselves bound to consider him : and albeit they
could not according to his deserts, so worthilie, as gladlie they
would, requite him for it, but must refer that to the goodness of
God ; yet for a small part of a recompense, in respect of his estate,
unequall to his worthines, in the name of the whole clergie they
presented him with that small somme, which they desired him to
take in good part." To them Sir Thomas answered, "that like
as (quoth he) it is no small comforte to me, that so wise and
learned men so well accept of my simple doings, for which I never
intended to receave but at the handes of God onelie, to whome
alone are theis thankes cheeflie to be attributed : so I give your
honours humble thanks for your bountifull and frendlie consider-
ations ;" and for all theire importunate pressinge of him they
could by no means fist him with one penny thereof. Then they
besought him "to be contented that they might bestowe it upon
his wife and children." "Not so" (quoth he) "my lords, I had
rather see it all in the Thames, than I or myne should have the
worth of one pennie thereof. Though your offer indeed be verie
frendlie and honourable, yet I set so much by my pleasure, and
so little by my profit, that I would not, in good faith, for all this
money and much more lose the rest of so many nights sleep as I
have spent in these matters." — But we will put downe his owne
words, as we find them in his Apology ; where he saith most
eloquentlie, for his manner, in this sort — " If any of the brethren
thinke (as some of them say) that I have more advantage of theise
matters, then I make showe for, and that I set not so little by
money as to refuse it when it is offered me, I will not dispute with

86 SIR THOMAS MORE.

them about the matter, but let them believe as they list. Yet
this I will be bound to say, for myselfe, although they should call
me Pharasie for my boast, and Pelagian for my labour ; how bad
soever they reckon me, I acknowledge that I am not yet fullie so
vertuous, but that of my own disposition, without any speciall
help of grace thereunto, I am over proud, and over sloathfull also,
to be hyred for money to take half'e the pains in writing, that I
have taken in theise matters, since I first begane : and this let
tlic-iii knowe, of all that I now posess, I had not a grey grote given
me since I wrote my Dialogues, which was my first worke I made
concerning matters of controversies. But yet they are not sat i —
fied with this, but say there is somewhat in the winde, that I am
so partiall to the clergie. As for partiality to the clergie, I mer-
vaile whereon they gather it : Myself, perdy, am a temporall man ;
and with twice wedding am come to that passe, that I can never
be priest ; therefore cause of partial favour to the priests persons
I have none. Marie, for their vocation I do, as everie good
Christian man and woman are bound of deutie, give honour and
reverence to the sacred order of priesthood. For by priest
are made Christian men in baptism ; by them we receave the
other blessed sacraments ; of them we receave the interpretation
of the lawes of God, whose angels they be in these respt <

Little cause they had to call him partiall : for those that were
naught in the clergie, and fell into his hands for anie manner of
crime, found so little favour of him that there was no man living,
to whome they were more loath to come7, than to Sir Thomas
More. So neither hope of lucre, nor suspect of partialitie could
justlie be laide to his charge.

As Sir Thomas came to his chancellourshipp against his will. s<>
he tooke no great pleasure to be entangled in that busie office.
Therefore he desired, and made great suite to be disdiarg d of
it, that he might bestow the residew of his life in «••!»< »tlic and
spirituall studies and exercises; and when God had gratiouslie
and mercifullie granted him this his boone, he was the ul.:
man thereof in the worlde. Indeed he had a great foroi^ht of
evill hanging over the realme, and that made him the more
d< >irous to live a private life. He pretended infirmitie of 1
to the kinge ; and truth is. it was no naked and hare j.ivt
for that in verie deed lie was troubled with a di-« ;i-e in his
stomach, which continued with him manie months, lie eoii-
7 More loath to come.] Works c.f Sir Thomas More, p. 868.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 87

suited thereon with his physitians, who made him this answer,
" that long diseases were verie dangerous," adding further " that
his disease could not be holpen, but by little and little, in con-
tinuance of time, with rest, good diet, and physicke." And this
Sir Thomas considering, that either he must forgoe his office,
or forslowe some part of requisite and wonted diligence ; (for he
perceaved he should be quickly unable to dispatch and weild
the manifold and weighty affairs of that place), so if he continued
he was like to be bereaved of both life and office ; to preserve the
one, he determined to foregoo the other. Yet for all, the Pro-
testants, to make him the more odious, make report both at
home and abroad, that More was thrust out of his chancellour-
shipp, as an unmeet man, yea and against his will. Bed mentita
est iniquitas sibi (Psalm 26) : for it was most false.

The duke of Norfolke, high treasurer of England, did openlie
by the king's speciall commandment declare, that Sir Thomas
More, with much adoo, and after his earnest suite and supplica-
tion, was hardlie suffered to dismiss the said office. " For the
kinge" (quoth the duke) "preferring Sir Thomas to that
roome, tendered the good of the commonwealth, in chusing
Sir Thomas More as the meetest man in all his realme for that
place. So his grace dismissing him, upon his earnest suite, in
respect of his infirmities of his body, and his now decaying yeares,
hath showed more tender and compassionate affection and espe-
ciall favour to Sir Thomas." The verie same thinge that the
duke declared, the same also the lord Audley 8, who immediatelie
succeeded him in his roome, in the kinge's ownne presence, and
by his commandment, did notifie in his oration made in the
parliament next following. And the verie same also Sir Thomas
himself declared in his epitaph, which he had provided to be put
upon his sepulchre. Wherefore the truth is, for all the hereticks
babbling, that as he entered into the office with the kinges high
favour, with the great good will of the nobilitie, rejoycing of the
people, and the expected profit of the commonweale ; so it is
true also, that he was most favourablie and honourablie dismissed,
and upon his great suite. At his dismission the kinge said unto
him, (as he himself in a certaine epistle of his doth testifie) " Sir
Thomas, if there be anie thinge that shall concern your honour,

8 Lord Audley.'] Sir Thomas Audley, K.G., afterwards (in 1538) created
Lord Audley of Walden. He was in no way connected with the family of
Touchet, Lord Audley.

88 SIR THOMAS MORE.

(for that verie worde it pleased the kinge to use) or pertaine to
your profit, you shall alwaies find us your good and gratious
lorde, readie to pleasure you in anie thinge, and so make you
account of us."

Of this surrender he was mervelous glad, as though he had
receaved a speciall benefitt ; so departing to his house 9 by the
way he entered into the church, and gave God thankes for this
favour, thinking as well worldlie adversitie as prosperitie to be
God's blessings. And with his estate thus decayed, he so
managed his minde and suited his port, as became a wise and
holie man to doo. For as no prosperitie or worldlie worshipp did
make him looke aloft, and solemnlie set by himself, with contempt
or disdain of others ; so could no mishap, troubles, and adver-
sities (whereof he had his portion in full measure) dismay him,
or any way infringe and break his constancie, and well settled
mind.

Of this change of fortune he made him game in this sort. It
was a custome during his high office, for one of his gentlemen to
wait on my ladie his wife, to know (as sone as service was
done) her pleasure, when she would goo home. He himself
came to my ladie^s, his wife's pew, and making a low curtesie said,
" Madam, my lord is gone ; please th it now your ladyship to
goo home !" She knowing him to be her husband said, " I am
glad Sir Thomas, you are so merrilie disposed." " Truelie madamc"
(quoth he) "my lord is gone, and is not here." She not knowing
what he meant, he told her of the surrender of his office. The
woman brooked it as a woman ; he as himself, alwaies the saim-.
merrie, wise, and constant.

5. Sir Thomas had a deep foresight and judgment of the tynu-
that followed ; but rather he spake by the way of prophesw of
that which we since have full heavilie felt, and he then seeim-d
certainlie to know ; and thereof tooke such compassion, tin
wished his ownne death and destruction might remedie the
imminent danger of future calamities.

It fortuned once, as he walked along the Thames side at
Chelsea, with his sonne in law master lloper, talking of common

9 Departing to his house.'] " He gave over that office the 16th day of May in
the yere of our Lord God 1532. And after in that somer he wrote an epitaph
in Latin, and caused it to be written upon his torabe of stone, which himself,
while he was Lord Chancellour, had caused to be made in his parish church
of Chelsey."— Works, p. 1419.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 89

matters, upon the suddine he began thus to say, " I would God,
sonne Eoper, so that three things were well established in Chris-
tendome, that I were put in a sacke, and here presentlie cast
into Thames." " What great things Sir, be these," quoth
master Roper, " that should move you so to wish ?" " Will you
know, sonne Roper, what they be?" " Yea Marie, with a good
will, if it would please you," said master Roper, " to tell me."
" In good faith sonne, these they be," saith he. " The first is,
that where the most part of Christian princes be now at mortal
warre, they were all at one universalle peace. The second, that
where the church of Christ is at this present sore afflicted with
manie errours and heresies, it were well settled in a perfect
uniformitie of religion. The third, that where the kinges matter
of divorce is now in question, that it were, to the glorie of God
and quietness of all parties, brought to a good conclusion." — This
he spake when he was chauncellour, and when this matter was
little thought to be of such importance as to trouble the whole
Christian orbe, and to be the cause and wreck of manie thousands
perishing, as afterwards it proved.

At another time, before this matter of marriage was brought
in question, master Roper fell in talk with sir Thomas of the
good estate of the realme ; and of a certaine joy commended
unto him the happiness thereof, that had so catholick a prince,
so grave a nobilitie, so loyall and obedient subjects, all agreeing
in one faith, and labouring for one end. " The truth is," (quoth
sir Thomas) " as the face of all things now seemeth, all is well."
So he highly commended all degrees and estates of this realme,
in a fare better sorte than his sonne had done before. " Yet
sonne Roper," (quoth he) " I beseech our Lorde that some of us,
as high as we seem to sitt upon the mountaines, treadinge here-
ticks under our feet like ants, live not the day to be at league
and composition with them, and to let them have their churches
quietlie to themselves, so they will be content to let us have
cur's, in the same manner." And when master Roper told him
manie considerations, why there was no cause so to say or sus-
pect ; " Well, well" (quoth he) " I pray God, sonne, some of us
live not to see that day," but giving no reason of this doubt,
there staid. To whome answered master Roper, for which he
was afterwards sorie, for his so ill placed speech, " Sir, it is
desperatelie spoken." Sir Thomas perceiving him by his words
to be in some passion, said merrilie againe, " Sonne Roper, be

90 SIR THOMAS MORE.

content man, be content, it shall not be so for all my sayinge ;"
(for his sayinge was no cause of the event, which afterwards hap-
pened.)

At that time when Cranmer had determined the matter
touching the marriage of queen Anne, even accordinge to the
kinges pleasure ; who had sequestered himself from the church
of Rome, under the pretence that he could have no justice at the
popes hands, sir Thomas said to Master Roper, " Sonne Roper,
God give grace that theise matters be not in a while confirmed
with othes, and urged with further severitie." At which tvme
master Roper, seeing no likelihoode of any such matter, was
somewhat offended with him for so sayinge.

It was much like to this that he answered the bishops, when
they sent him the twentie pounds I told you of before, at the
tyme wherein they requested him to accompanie them to the
coronation of queen Anne. " My lordes" (quoth he to them)
" two thinges you required : in graunting to accept the one, I
may be the bolder to deny the other. For the first, considering
my estate, and your wealth, I thought it not amiss so to doe ;
the other putteth me in remembrance of an emperour that had
ordained a lawe, that whosoever committed a certain crime,
except it were a virgin, should suffer the paines of death, such
was the reverence he bare to virginitie. Now so it happened.
that the first committor of the offence was indeede a virginne ;
whereof the emperour hearing, was in no small perplexitie, being
greatlie desirous to have the law put in execution, and by exam-
ple of justice to terrific others. Whereupon when his counsell
sate long, solemnlie debating the matter, sodenlie there arose
one amongst them, and said, ' Why make you so much adoe,
my lordes, about so smalle a matter ? Let her first be deflowered,
then after may she be devoured.' So though your lordships
have in this matter of matrimonie hytherto kept yourselves pur<>
virgins, yet take good heed, my good lordes, that you keep y«»ur
virginitie still: for some there be that by procuring your lord-
ships to be present at the coronation, next to preach for the,
setting forth of it, finallie to write in the defence of it. an
rous to deflour you, and when they have defloured you. they will
not fail soon after to devour you. Now my lords it lieth not in
my power, but that they may devour me; but by (mils Imli.-
ii-ran- I \\ill provide tliev shall never detlour ni<-." Sir Thomas
foresaw as a wise man, what after the l.\>hopps hidmvd with

SIR THOMAS MORE. 91

greate griefe both of minde and bodie, which they little thought
would ever come to passe.

There was a booke entituled the Supplication of Beggars 10, the
author whereof Symon Fishe (who afterwards recanted his er-
rours, and died a good man) under pretence and colour of pfietie
forsooth, of helping and releeving the poor, fatherless, and other
impotent persons, would have all monasteries and houses of reli-
gion pulled downe and turned into the kinges hands. And craf-
tilie goo they about to cast out all the clergie, bearing men in
hand that then-after the gospell should be preached, and money
made of church mens goods, the number of beggers and baudes
would decrease ; of idle folks or theives we should have few or
none, the realme would growe exceeding rich, and in short space
everie man receive exceeding great benefits, both corporall and
spirituall. But sir Thomas well foresaw what would then ensue,
and so spake as though then he most certainlie sawe with his
eyes all the garboyles and troubles, all the treasons and villanies,
all the sinnes and enormities, that then would folio we. " Expect,
saith he, an ocean of evills, when this mans drift shall take effect.
Then shall Luther's gospell come in, and with it all evill : cum
eo omne malum. Then shall heresies be preached ; then shall
the sacraments be set at nought ; then shall fasting and prayers
be neglected ; then shall Gods holy saints be blasphemed ; then
shall God withdraw his grace, and let us run blindfold into our
ownne ruin ; then shall virtue be had in derision, and vice be
greatlie magnified ; then shall youth leave labour ; then shall
folke wax idle, and fall to unthriftiness ; then shall hoares and
theeves, beggers and bauds increase without number ; then shall
each man beare him bold of other, and seditiously flock togea-
ther ; then shall lawes be laughed to skorne ; then shall the
servaunte contemne his maister, and subject not obey, but con-
strained. What then but robberie, adulterie, perjuries, and all
iniquitie ! "

And how trulie he spake, daylie experience, to the greefe of
all good men, doth certainlie, yea feelingly give testimonie to the
worlde.

And to confirm that he had some insight in matters to come,
mark this which now doth follow. On a tyme when his daughter
Margaret resorted to him in the Tower, after he had a while

10 Of Eeggars.~\ Given in Fox's Acts, vol. ii. p. 280 — 4. edit. 1641. See
also the note to the Life of Tindall, pp. 201, 202.

92 SIR THOMAS MORE.

questioned with her of his wife and his children, and the state
of his house, at last he asked how queen Anne did. " In faith
father," (quoth she) " never better." " Alas ! Meg," (quoth he)
"it pitieth me to thinke what miserie, poor soul, she shall come
unto, and that very shortlie ! " And before one yeare was ended,
she dyed a violent death ; for she was beheaded for heynous
offences (as is to be seen in parliament acts).

And at another tyme, when it was told him how queen Anne
delighted the kinge mervellous much with her dancing, " Well
may it fare with her" (quoth he) ; "these sports will end in
sorrow. Our heads for this dancing must pay for it ; let hers
stand fast l, I charge her."

Once as he was coming from the court, he found all his chil-
dren and nephews at their prayers. " This is well done" (quoth
he). " Use this exercise, as much as you may. Tyme will
come, my children, and you shall see it, that men will make no
more account of prayer, than they do of their old shoes ;" which
long agoo we have seen fulfilled in this our countrie, by the
means of that foule heresie that now infects the worlde with her
poisoned doctrine of securitie of salvation.

At another time he said in this manner to his children. " It
is now no maisterie, my children, to go to heaven, for everie
bodie giveth you good counsele ; and everie bodie good example.
You see virtue rewarded, and vice punished ; so that you are
carried up to heaven even by the chins. But if you shall live,
the tyme will come, when no man will give you good counsel.
no man will give you good example ; when you shall see vertue
punished, and vice rewarded; if you will then stand fast, and
sticke firmly to God, upon pain of my life, though you be but
half good, God will allow you for whole good. This tyme, my
good children, will come, therefore be provided for it."

6. We will now speak somewhat of his learning and writings*,

1 Let hers stand fast] Queen Anne Boleyn was beheaded the nineteenth
of May, 1536; and the very next day the king was married to Lady Jane
Seymour.

2 Of his learning and writings.'] Of these bishop Burnet gives the following
not very flattering opinion : —

More was no divine at all. And it is plain to any that reads his writings
that he knew nothing of antiquity, beyond the quotations he found in the
Canon-law, and in the Master of the Sentences ; only he had read some of St.
Austin's treatises. For, upon all points of controversy, he quotes only what
he found in these collections. Nor was he at all conversant with the criti-

SIR THOMAS MORE. 93

whereby he hath consecrated his worthie name to immortall
fame, till the worlds end. Somewhat we have spoken of this
matter before ; how in his youth in Oxforde he followed and
profitted in the studies of philosophy, lawe, and divinitie. For
an oration, he had few his fellowes ; and for his verse he was
little inferior. — It happened in the fourteenth yeare of king
Henry the eighth, that Charles the fifth, the emperour, came
into England, and was most magnificent! ie receeved by the cittee
of London 3. At which tyme sir Thomas More made a mer-
veilous eloquent oration in the presence of the emperour and
king, in their praises and commendations, and of the great love
and amity the one bare to the other, and how singular comfort
and utilitie both the realms receaved thereby.

Whensoever the kinges highness would make his progression
to Oxforde and Cambridge, where by those universities he was
congratulated with most exquisite orations, his grace would alvvaies
assign Sir Thomas as one prompt and readie extempore to make
answer : which to his great praise he would presentlie doe. — Yea
in poetry he was excellent good. His epigrams were pleasant,
wittie, not byting, nor contumelious ; whereof some he translated
out of Greeke, some he devised in Latin, some in English : for
this he was liked of Beatus Ehenanus4 in Epistola ad Billebaldum* ,
where thus he saith ; " Thomas More's verses run sweet and
pleasant, not harsh nor strained, no lameness nor obscuritie
therein. More is eloquent, wittie, pure, plaine ; and all is so
tempered in so sweet a measure, that no musicke can be found
more pleasurable. I think the Muses have consulted to bestow
upon him all their elegances, beauties, graces, all their wittie and

cal learning upon the Scriptures. But his peculiar excellency in writing was,
that he had a natural easy expression, and presented all the opinions of
popery with their fair side to the reader, disguising or concealing the black
side of them with great art : and was no less dextrous in exposing all the ill
consequences that could follow on the doctrine of the Reformers : and he had
upon all occasions great store of pleasant tales, which he applied wittily to
his purpose. And in this consists the great strength of his writings ; which
were designed, rather for the rabble, than for learned men. But, for justice,
contempt of money, humility, and a true generosity of mind, he was an ex-
ample to the age in which he lived," — Burnet's Reformation, vol. i.

3 Cittee of London.'] 1523.

4 Beatus Rhenanus.~\ See p. 53.

5 Billebaldum.~] i. e. Wilbolt, or, in Latin, Eilibaldus Pirckheimer, of Nu-
remberg, one of the most learned men of his age. His daughters are the Bi-
libaldicce of Erasmus.

94 SIR THOMAS MORE.

pleasant conceits." This was also the opinion of Leodegarius a
Quercu 6, a famous poet of France ; and others held him in the
same account ; yet never tooke he liking of them himself, as lie
writeth to Erasmus. Mea epigrammata nunquam placiienmt
animo meo, id quod ipse miJd Erasme conscius es. " My epigrams
never pleased my minde, as thou thyself, Erasmus, well knowest."
His learning and skill in the Greek tongue was verie great : and
what a learned man he was in our common lawes, his great offices
bear witness : what in civill pollicies and government, what in
historic and divinitie, he left testimonie to the world by his bookes
and monuments. He wrote the Life of Picus Earle of Mirandula,
and translated into English his twelve rules of a good life ; and
this in his younger age; at which tyme he wrote manie devout
and sweet epigrams. A little after he wrote a Treatise De Qua-
tuor novissimis \ but left it unfinished. He wrote the Life of
King Richard the third, both in Latin and English. He left them
both unperfect, neither durst any to take upon them to finish the
same, being by reason of the incomparable excellencie of the
worke discouraged from that enterprise. He wrote also a booke
of the historic of Henry the seventh : either the booke is
smothered amongst his kinne, or lost by the injurie of this tyme.
I doubt not but that it was like to the rest.

But the booke that carrieth the prize above all his other workes
for eloquence, invention, and matter, is his Utopia; which he
wrote about the thirty third yeare of his age. In it he paint eth
the patterne and platforme of a most perfect common weale,
making it to be one of the new found lands. The invention was
so wittiely contrived, that they thought there had been such a
countrie indeed ; and of their fervent zeale wished that some
divines might be sent thither to instruct them in the faith of
Christ. This booke for the excellencie of it, is translated into
the French, Flemish, and Italian tongues, with a good grace;
but into English absurdly and lamely. After this ho made another
book, but in another kinde, against Luther. Of this we spake
before '. The matter was grave and substantial ; the manner fit
for the author of such filth as Luther in his book to the
shewed himself.

6 Leodegarius a Quercu.] Le'ger Duchesne. See p. 53.

7 De quatuor novis8imis.~] See note at p. 53.
" /f'e spake before ] See p. 7G.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 95

He wrote also a treatise against the Epistle of John Pomerane 9,
a great piller of Protestancie. He wrote also an Exposition in
Latin upon the Passion of our Lorde.

His bookes of controversie in English be these : The first is
his Dialogues, commonly called, Quoth he and Quoth I. He wrote
also a book against the Supplication of Beggers. Then wrote he
against Tyndall, and Friar Barnes' nine books. After this, in
the deffence of the blessed Sacrament, he wrote against John
Frith. After this his Apologie. And then anone after another
book intituled the Debellation of Salem and Bisance. After all
this, being prisoner in the Tower he wrote three bookes of Com-
fort in Tribulation, a booke not inferior to any of the rest.
There is nothing in it but religion and piety ; it is full of ghostlie
and heavenlie counsaile. It is a work rather of an angel than of
a man ; for he was destitute of all bookes and human helps when
he wrote it ; he was close prisoner, and had neither inke nor pen
for the most part, but onlie a cole. Although his penn was blunt
and dull, and but a blacke cole, yet he had another cole that
inflamed his heart, such as toucht and purified the lips of Esay a ;
and by the help of this sacred cole, that counsaile, which he gave
to others in his bookes he practised himself in patient suffering
the losse of his landes, goods, and life too, for the defence of
justice. He wrote at this tyme a Treatise to receave the blessed
sacrament : A Treatise of the Passion : manie godlie and devout
prayers and instructions : and these most of them with a cole.
And in effect theise be the works he made either in Latin or
English, which (considering his continuall business and employ-
ments in the great affairs of the common wealth, his house and
family) were verie manie. It is great question whether is more
to be mervailed, how in the worlde, having so manie occasions of
lets and troubles, he could write so much, or how afterwards,
being destitute of bookes and other helps, he could write so cun-
ninglie and exactlie of everie matter he handled.

Sir Thomas for his witt and learninge, even when he lived,
throughout all christendome was almost miraculouslie accounted
of: as appeareth by the writings of sundrie learned men. Collet
was wont to say, " England had but one witt,11 meaning that he
had no peer : he spake it of master More. Others compare him
to Augustine ; some to Chrisostome ; and accounted he was of

9 John Pomerane^] i. e. John Bugenhagen. See note at p. 73.
a Isa. vi. 6.

96 SIR THOMAS MORE.

all of fame, for the mirrhour of the worlde. At that tyme John
Colet, John Grocine, and Thomas Linacre were in place of his
tutors. William Lillie, William Mountjoy, William Latimer his
fellowe scholars : all excellent and learned men. His friends,
Thomas Lupsett, the Greek reader in Oxforde ; Thomas Eliot,
not obscure of his writings ; John Croke, king Henry the eighth
his schole maister. Reginall Poole, afterwards cardinall, was his
especiall friend ; and so was Edward Lea, archbishop of Yorke,
who wrote learnedlie against Erasmus. John Fisher, bishoppe of
Eochester ; and Cuthbert Tunstall, bishopp of London, after of
Durham, godfather to the Queens Majestie, that now is (1600).
His externall friends were these : Budeus !, a learned Frenchman ;
Martin Dorpius ; Beroaldus 2 ; Buslidianus 3 ; Peter Giles * of
Antwerpe ; Johanes Cochleus of Saxonie, Luther's scourge ;
Francis Gran veld : Conradus Gocloneus of Westphale ; Ludo-
vicus Vives of Spaine. But amongst all his friends none so deare
and entire unto him as was the worshipfull merchant Anthonie
Bonvice 5 of the cittie of Luke in Italic ; to whom Sir Thomas, a
little before his arraignment, wrote an epistell in Latin, with a
cole 6, for lacke of a penn. Sir Thomas was wont to call him the
apple of his eye. His epistell translated into English is in this
manner r.

1 Budeus.~] Guillaume Bude, the author of the famous treatise, De Asse.

2 Beroaldus.'] Filippo Beroaldo the younger, librarian of the Vatican.

8 Buslidianus. 1 Jerome Busleiden of Luxembourg, a learned man who
had been ambassador to Julius II., Francis I., and Henry VIII. He died in
1517. His brother, Francis, archbishop of Besancon, had been tutor to Phi-
lippe le Beau, father of Charles V.

4 Peter Giles.'] The editor of Political's Letters, better known by his Latin
name of Petrus yEgidius. He must not be confounded with his French
namesake and contemporary, Pierre Gilles, Gyllius, the naturalist.

6 Anthonie Bonvice.] Antonio Buonvisio, of a noble family of Lucca. ( )f
one of this name, viz , Jeronymo Buonvisio of Lucca, an agent of pope Ju-
lius II. in England, a very unfavourable account is given by Hollinslud. He
was probably a brother of Antonio, although it is possible that either the
author of this Life, or Hollinshed, may have mistaken the Christian name,
and that only one person is meant.

6 With a cole.] " Yet still, by stealth he would get little pieces of paper, in
which he would write diverse letters with a cole ; of which my father left me
one, which was to his wife ; which I account as a precious Jewell : afterwards
drawn over by my grandfather's sonne with inke." — Life of Sir Thomas
More, by his Great Grandson, Thomas More, Esq., p. 24O. edit. 1726.

7 In this manner.] This letter, being somewhat long, unimportant, and
very badly translated, is omitted. It may be found in the original Latin, in

SIR THOMAS MORE. 97

Sir Thomas was so well known to the learned abroad, that his
opinion was thought sufficient to decide anie controversie. It
happened once that a verie excellent learned man a stranger, satt
at the table at a great man's house in this realm with Sir Thomas
More, whom this stranger had never before seen. There was
great reasoning between the stranger and some others of deep
points of learninge. At length Sir Thomas set in foot, and
demeaned himself so cunninglie, that the stranger, who was a
religious man, was astonished to hear so profound reasons at a
layman's hands. Whereupon he enquired of those that satt next
him, what his name was ; which when he understood he said as
queen Saba said to Solomon. " Verus est sermo quern audim in
terra mea super sapientia hujus : non credebam narrantibus mihi,
donee veni et mdi:" (3. Regum 10.) " True is the fame I have
heard of this man's wisdom in my countrie. I did not beleeve
them that told it : but now I am come myself, and I find it to be
true, yea and more I find than was reported."

One thinge encreased much the fame of his exquisite learninge :
for his manner was, when he had occasion to be present where
anie universitie was either in England, France, or Flanders ; to
goe to the scholes and hear the publick readings and disputations.
And there he would often reason and dispute, so that he won the
hearts of the learned, wheresoever he came. Againe one thing
more gott him so many friends ; for he was not curious in making
choice of his friends, with such as desired it, and he liked ; but
entered once into friendship none more diligent to nourish and
maintain it than he. In his friends affairs very diligent and care-
full. In his owne negligent, in so much that in his apparell and
expences he appointed John a Wood, a verie simple servant of
his to be his tutor and overseer. In conversation with his friends
he was not verie scrupulous or ceremonious, though he never
omitted what civilitie and curtisie did require. He was sweet and
pleasant in conversation, so that all tooke singular delight and
content in his companie, for he had a speciall gift in merrie and
pleasant talke, yet alwaies without gall or bitterness ; never hurt,
nor slander in his sport nor jestings. " Pectus ejus omni nive

Sir Thomas's Works, p. 1454. The reader who may wish to know more of
the letters of Sir Thomas, will find a copious collection of the Latin portion
of them, in Jortin's Life of Erasmus, Appendix, No. LXIII. p. 308—400.
8vo. 1810. For the English, &c., see Works, fol. 1557. p. 1419—58.
VOL. II. H

98 SIR THOMAS MORE.

candidius" as Erasmus speaketh of him. He was so pure and
spotless, as no swan so white as his minde.

7. Sir Thomas, so wise a man and yet so sociable, so grave and
yet so pleasant, it is hard to say whether he was a better senatour
than a sweet friend : but this he solemnlie observed both in
earnest and in jest, to show no change of countenance in anie
thinge that he happened to speake.

Presentlie after Sir Thomas was called to be one of the privie
counsell, Cardinall Wolsey, who was president of the counsel!.
propounded to the lords and nobles present at the counsell table,
that it was verie expedient to have a lord constable (an office
seldome seen in England) 8. After he had urged the matter with
many reasons, every man^s opinion was demanded : who all seemed
to like very well of the matter, and not one to gainsay the car-
dinall, till Sir Thomas More at last, as being the meanest in that
honourable assemblie of great prelates, dukes, and cheefe earles
of the realm, had showed his mind that he thought it an unmeet
proposition. And there he made such probable reasons for his so
saying, that the whole counsell began to forethinke them of their
forwardness, and desired a new sitting before they would give
their resolutions.

The cardinall stomaching the matter, as thinkinge himself
injured by Sir Thomas, for he made full account to have had this
office himself, spake in this bitter manner unto him. " Are YOU
not ashamed master More, so much to esteeme of your wisdome,
as to thinke us all fooles and set here to keep geese ; and you
onlie wise, and set to govern England. Now by my troth thou
showest thyself a verie proud man, and a more foolish counsellor."
Sir Thomas not abashed with this public check, answered him
according to his disposition in this merrie, yet wittie sorte. " Our
Lord be blessed (quoth he) that my sovereign leage hath but one
fool in so ample a senate ;" and not a worde more. — The canli-
nalFs drift was all dasht.

At another tyme Sir Thomas sitting as judge, some little pet tie
fellowes were brought before him for picking and cutting <>f
purses. Cut-purse art was not then so frequent, nor yet so
heynous as now '. They that were undamaged made means for

8 Seldome seen in England.] It had been held, shortly before, by Edward
Stafford, duke of Buckingham, who was beheaded in 15-Jl.

9 So heynovs as now."] See Thomas Dekker's various works, and others,
which, at the end of Elizabeth's reign and beginning of the reign of .'

SIR THOMAS MORE. 99

their losses, and one of the justices, a grave and an old man, all
to rated the poor men, affirming that they were in great fault that
had no better care of their money ; for their negligence and care-
lessness made theeves, by giving them so fair occasion that they
could hardly but doo as they did. Sir Thomas seeing the impor-
tunity of the old man, sought occasion to depart for that present,
referring the hearinge of these matters till the next morninge.
In the meane time he caused the thief to be sent for to his
chamber, and there, after he had thoroughly chidden him, said
unto him ; " I have good hope that thou wilt do better hereafter ;
and see it prove so. For this time I will stand your friend, but
you must shew me a tricke of your cunninge. You heard yester-
day how the old gentleman chid them that lost their purses ; if
thou canst take his purse from him, and let me know when it is
done, I will warrant thee for this tyme thou shalt take noe
harme."

The poore knave promised his diligence, and being the next
day the first man that was called to his answer, made a request
to the bench, " that it would please them to give him leave to
speake, for he doubted not but to satisfie them at the full. But
the matter he was to utter was secret ; therefore he desired he
might tell it to some one first in secret." That was graunted
him, and when it was asked him whom he would have : " Sir if it
might be you," said the thief, pointing to the old angrie gentle-
man, " to you I would tell it." Then he and the old man went
apart. The old man's purse was made fast to his girdle, which
the thief spying gave it the looseing. After he had told a frivo-
lous tale to him, he returned and gave notice of the purse to Sir
Thomas. Sir Thomas taking occasion by giving an almes to a
prisoner, whose discharge was staid for lacke of money to defray
the keeper's fees, requests the gentlemen on the bench to help the
poor man. He himself gave first. When it came to the old
justice, he put his hand to his pouch, and found it to be taken
away ; as angrie as ashamed, affirming verie seriouslie that he
had his purse when he came to the hall, and he merveiled what
was become of him. "It is well," said Sir Thomas, " you will
now leave to chide my neighbours, who had as little care but not
so good hap as you, for you shall have your purse againe." So
he told who had it.

the First, enter so fully into the art of thieving, and shew the wretched state
of morals at that time.

H 2

100 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Sir Thomas being beyond the seas in ambassage, happened to
dine amongst manie strangers of divers countries ; and amongst
other discourses of table talk, a question was moved of the diver-
sitie of the languages, each man praising his owne for the best.
They concluded English to be worst of all. " Nay soft," said Sir
Thomas, " suum cuique pulchrum : but yet by your leave, I must
needs speake a word in defence of my language ; and by good
reason I will shew it nothing inferior to anie of your's. And first
for antiquity ; we Englishmen come of the old Britaines ; the
Britons of Brutus, he of Eneas Silvius, and he of the Gods. 0
Char a Deum soboles. So for antiquity I may compare with the
proudest. Again you know, that omne quod difficilius eo pulcl /
Every thing the harder it is, the fairer it seems. Now let anie
man here speak anie sentence in his owne language, and you shall
hear me dialect and pronounce it as well as himself.1'' And so
they did. And without difficulty or difference he performed his
promise. " Now I will speak but three words, and I durst
jeopard a wager, that none here shall pronounce it after me.
Thwarts thwacJcit him with a thwitle V And no man there could
pronounce it.

There was a fellowe had lost his purse and tenn pounds in it ;
and hoping to have it againe caused a solemn bill to be set up in
Paules*. " Whosoever hath found a purse," &c. Sir Thomas
by chance sent for all the bills there. Amongst the rest happen-
ing on this, he smiling tooke his pen, and wrote underneath
THOMAS MORE, and so sent it backe againe. The fellowe seeing
his name, was full glad ; for knowing him to be a good man he
hoped to have his purse againe ; so with great joy he repair*
Sir Thomas; who caused him to be brought before him, de-
manded his name, his age, his abode ; asked what money was in
his purse, when and where he lost it. He wrote all this ; then said
to him, " My friend, I am sorrie for your losse ; but I have not

1 Thwitle.'] Thwittle, or whittle, is still in use for a Sheffield knife so called.
To thwack, or whack, can require no explanation.

a In PaulesJ] The old cathedral of St. Paul's was a place of general resort.
It was not only a public walk, but also, its precincts being privileged from
arrest, greatly frequented by idle and disorderly persons: notices of all kinds
were here affixed.

•% A man must not make choyce of three things, in three places; of a
in Westminster, a servant in Paul's, or a horse in Smithfield, least he chuse
a queane, a knave, or a jade." — Choice of Change.

See also the various passages in Shakspeare.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 101

your purse, nor I know not where it is." " Why then (said the
fellowe) if it may please you, did you write your name ?" " Marie
(quoth he) to this end, that I might knowe thee against another
time ; for if you cannot keep your owne purse, you shall not keep
mine.1'' So he gave him fortie shillings towards his losse, bid him
be more warie hereafter, and dismissed him.

There was another fellowe had made a verie foolish book in
prose, and presented Sir Thomas More with it, hoping for a
reward for his labour. Sir Thomas read it, and greatlie misliked
the book. At the next meeting of the fellowe, he asked him if
he could turn it into meeter. " Yea," said the fellowe ; and he
did quicklie. When he brought it againe, " What," said Sir
Thomas, "is it the same booke ?" " Yea," said the fellowe,
"word for word; but that it is now in verse, before in prose."
" Then it is a faire piece," said he : " before it had neither rime
nor reason ; now it hath at the least, some rime, no reason."

Sir Thomas being at Brussels in ambassage 3 from his king to
the emperour Charles the fifth, a bragging fellow vaunted him-
selfe the wisest and most learned in a countrie ; and had placed
papers in everie post, that he would dispute with anie, come
who would, in anie question of what law soever, civil, common,
municipale, yea in anie point of other learning. Sir Thomas,
seeing the exceeding vanitie of the man, thought he needed
modestie, and gave him this gentle gleeke ; he caused this
question to be written, " Utrum avaria * capta in withernamia

3 Ambassage.'] In 1521.

4 Utrum avaria.'] " If the distress be carried out of the county, or con-
cealed, then the sheriff may return that the goods, or beasts, are eloianed,
elongata, carried to a distance, to places to him unknown : and thereupon the
party replevying shall have a writ of capias in withernam, in vetito (or, more
properly, repetito) namio ; a term which signifies a second or reciprocal dis-
tress, in lieu of the first which was eloigned. It is therefore a command to
the sheriff to take other goods, of the distreinor, in lieu of the distress for-
merly taken, and eloigned, or withheld from the owner. So that here is now
distress against distress ; one being taken to answer the other, by way of re-
prisal (in the old northern languages the word withernam is used as equivalent
to reprisals}, and as a punishment for the illegal behaviour of the original
distreinor. For which reason goods taken in withernam cannot be replevied,
till the original distress is forthcoming." — " The substance of this rule com-
posed the terms of that famous question, with which Sir Thomas More (when
a student on his travels) is said to have puzzled a pragmatical professor in the
university of Bruges, in Flanders ; who gave a universal challenge to dispute
with any person in any science : in omni scibili, et de quolibet ente. Upon

102 SIR THOMAS MORE.

sint irreplegibilm? " Whether chattell taken withername may be
replevied," writing underneath that there was one in the com-
panie of the English ambassadour that would maintaine dispute
with him in that question. This glorioso, when he sawe this
question, knew not so much as the meaning of the terms, so was
hissed at, and made a fable6 to all that court.

Sir Thomas being asked why he choosed little woemen for his
wives, made answer, " Wote you not, that woemen be necessarie
evills ? then do I followe the philosopher's rule, who willeth us
of two evills to choose the least. So do I of my wives, and yet
had I enough of the least."

Sir Thomas his last wife loved little dogs to play withall. It
happened that she was presented with one, which had been stoln
from a poor beggar woman. The poor beggar challenged her
dog, having spied it in the arms of one of the serving men, that
gave attendance upon my ladie. The dog was denied her ; so
there was great hold and keepe about it. At length Sir Thomas
had notice of it ; so caused both his wife and the beggar to come
before him in his hall ; and said, " Wife, stand you here, at the
upper end of the hall, because you are a gentlewoman : and
goodwife, stand there beneath, for you shall have no wrong."
He placed himself in the middest, and held the dog in his hands.
saying to them, " Are you content, that I shall decide this con-
troversie that is between you concerning this dogg?" " Yea,"

which Mr. More sent him this question, * utrum averia caruca, capta in vetilo
namio, sint irrepleyibilia,' ' whether beasts of the plough taken in wither-
nam, are incapable of being replevied.' " Blackstone's Commentaries, b. iii.
ch. 9-

* Made a fable.'] When Williams, afterwards abp. of York, was made Lord
Keeper, by King James L, "one of the bar" (we are told) "thought to put
a trick upon his freshmanship ; and trolled out a motion crammed like a
Granada with obsolete words, coins of far-fetched antiquity, which had been
long disused, worse than Sir Thomas More's Averia De Wethernam among
the Masters of Paris. In these misty and recondite phrases, he thought t >
leave the new Judge feeling after him in the dark ; and to make him blush,
that he could not answer to such mystical terms as he had conjured up. But
he dealt with a wit that never was entangled in a bramble* bush. For with a
serious face he answered him in a cluster of most crabbed notions, picked up
out of metaphysics and logic, as Cat egoremalical and Syncategorematical, and
a deal of such drumming stuff: that the motioner being foiled at his own
weapon, and well laughed at in the court, went home with this new lesson,
That he that tempts a Wise man in jest, shall make himself a Fool in tan
Bishop Hacket's Life of \\ iliiams, p. 75.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 103

(quoth they). " Then," said he, " each of you call the dogg by
his name, and to whom the dogg cometh, she shall have it."
The dogg came to the poor woman ; so he caused the dogg to
be given her, and gave her besides a French crown, and desired
her that she would bestowe the dogg upon his ladie. The poor
woman was well apaide with his fair speeches, and his almes,
and so delivered the dogg to my ladie.

The hereticks, finding fault with him that he was too long in
his bookes, seeing their manner of writing was verie shorte, Sir
Thomas answered, " as brief as they are, they be so much too
long, even by so much as they are. For who can make a shorter
voiage than he that lacks both his legges ? for they have neither
good matter, nor fit words. So these my good brethren may be
as short as sweet, that is, never a whit." — Againe the hereticks,
being galled by his writings, found fault with him that he would
reprehend them, seeing it was not in him to amend them. " Well
spoken, and to good purpose," said Sir Thomas, " so the fellow
should never be hanged, except the judge would be bound to
make restitution." " You must prove, master More," (quoth
the hereticks) " your assertions with the express word of God,
not with your dreams and fancies." " It is well," said Sir
Thomas, " that my verie dreams so trouble you. I doubt not
but when you shall see my day labours, you will better advise
yourselves; and feare to provoke the expert and learned in
divinitie, when the verie dreams of aliens in that faculty have so
much astonished you."

Sir Thomas likened the manner of his adversaries repeating
his arguments, alwaies leaving out the chiefest force thereof, to
the play of little children, that make them in sport little houses
of chipps, and will throvve them downe with a great facilitie ; for
this is solemn with all hereticks 6, to misrehearse the catholics

6 With all hereticks^] This general reflection is exceedingly remote from
truth. — What names, of those who had written when this author was alive,
are more eminent in the popish controversy, on the side of reformation, than
those of Cranmer, Jewel, and Bilson ? Yet Cranmer, in his grand work, his
Answer to Stephen Gardiner, lays before his reader every word of that pre-
late's animadversions, as well as the whole of the original book against which
those animadversions were directed. In like manner, Jewel, in his defence of
the Apology, produces first the Apology itself; next Harding's pretended
confutation of it ; and last of all his own defence against that confutation.
He follows a like practice in his other great work, the " Reply." Bishop
Bilson in the True Difference between Christian Subjection and Unchristian

104 SIR THOMAS MORE.

arguments, and to leave out the verie pith of their reasoning.
" And herein," saith master More, " they do with me, as an ill
champion doth to his adversarie, who having a day of challenge
appointed to wrastle, and fearing his might and cunninge, seekcth
to undermynd by craft. So he gets him by one sleight or other
into his hand, before the time of tryall, and dieteth him with
such thin cheer, that the man is half hunger-starved ; and so
when the day is come he is so feeble and faint, that poor sillie
soule, he can scant stand on his leggs : then you wot well, it is no
hard matter to give him a fall. But it is well with me that my
feeding is so homelie, for I can battle and grow fat with anger
and ill usage. So they can do me no great harm if they let me
but live."

The heretick Tindall in his Bible, translated Presbyter priest,
into elder ; and Ecclesia church, into congregation. " This word
congregation," saith Sir Thomas, " as Tindall useth it, no more
signifieth the congregation of Christen people, than a fair flocke
of unchristen geese. And this worde elder no more signifieth a
priest, than an elder sticke" Tindall with Sir Thomas his sub-
stantiall reasoning was so amazed, that he was in a labyrinth,
and manie times so brought to a bay, that he was like to a hare
that had twenty brace of greyhounds after her, he so windeth
and turneth himself in and out, this way and that way ; so that
with his subtill shiftinge he endeavoureth to blinde the eies of
the simple ; but he maketh the more watchful and learneder sort
as blind as a catt ; so he can be no more seen where he walketh,
than if he had danced all naked in a net ; and thus he plaieth the
blind Hob about the house. But at last, after much adoo, Tindall
mendeth his translation of the word presbyter, which before he
had translated elder: he afterwards translated it into senior;
and therein he laboured so learnedlie, that Sir Thomas declared
to him, that in his later translation he was much more helped

Rebellion, " repells " a considerable portion of his antagonist's performances,
as he tells us "word by word." What also does Fulke with regard to the
Rhemish Testament ; and to Gregory Martin's attack upon the English trans-
lations of the Scriptures? Again, let any one refer to Nowell against Dor-
man, Dering against Harding, and a great many more protestant writers, and
he will immediately find not only that this imputation is not true; but that
the authors had taken the very hest means to protect themselves (if it were
possible) from such a charge, by inserting in their own books every syllable
of those treatises which were the subjects of their animadversions.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 105

with four faire vertues, malice, ignorance, errour, and follie.
"And whereas" (saith Sir Thomas) "you promised to mend the
errour; by translating elder into senior, you have as well per-
formed it, as he that were blinde of one eye, to amend his sight,
would put out the other."

After manie disputes with these wrangling and unlearned mates,
he puts Tindall, Barnes and the rest to dispute with the limping
and halting Good Wife of the boothe at Pudle Wharfe, and
makes her not to limp and halt so much as the lame and weake
reasons of frier Barnes do. But what they lacke in good reason-
ing, they have it in rayling ; for in scoffing they are peerless ;
and especiallie frier Barnes, who fareth as if he were from a frier
waxen a fidler, and would at a tavern go gett him a pennie for a
fitt of mirth. With these and such like merriments he seasoned
the tediousness of his writings. These evangelical brethren found
great fault with Sir Thomas, that he was so merrie and pleasant
in his writings. " I would have hardlie beleeved" (quoth he)
"that ever they would have thought me pleasant to them ; for I
thinke they have found little in my writings to have pleasured
them. But seeing I please them so well, I will be as pleasurable
as I may : for it is better to be merrie than waywarde."

Sir Thomas kept his accustomed mirth as a testimonie of a
clear conscience in his greatest afflictions. Being brought to the
Tower, the porter at his entrance demanded, as the manner is, to
have his uppermost garment, be it cloke or gowne. Sir Thomas
delivered him his hat : " Here hold my friend," (quoth he) " here
is my hoode : for this is my uppermost ; for it covereth my
topp."

^ Being prisoner in the Tower, the lieutenant 7, who was his
good friend and old acquaintance, desired him, that he would
accept in good part such cheer as he was able to make him.
" Yea," quoth Sir Thomas, " here is good cheer, master lieute-
nant, God be thanked ! And if any here like it not, turn him out
of doors for a churl."

After he was close prisoner, and had his books taken from him,
and had neither inke nor paper allowed him, he caused all the
windowes of his chamber to be fast shut. Being asked why he
did so, " Is it not meet" (quoth he) " to shut up my shop windows
when all my ware is gone 2"

7 Lieutenant.'} Sir William Kingstone probably. See Cavendish's Life of
Wolsey, vol. i. p. 653.

106 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Sir Thomas More being condemned, Sir Thomas Pope was
sent to him from the kinge, to bid him prepare himself to die, for
by such an hour he should loose his head. When master Pope
perceived that Sir Thomas More was nothing dismayed nor
altered for this message, he thought that master More did not
beleeve it. Wherefore he sought in earnest manner to persuade
him that it was true, and saide to him, " Sir, you are but a dead
man. It is impossible for you to live till the afternoon." Master
More said not a worde, called for an urinall, and looking on his
water said, " Master Pope, for any thing that I can perceave,
this patient is not so sicke but that he may doo well, if it be not
the kinges pleasure he should die. If it were not for that, there
is great possibilitie of his good health. Therefore let it suffice
that it is the kinges pleasure that I must die/1

At another time, there came a man of some reckoning, and
was merveilous earnest and importunate with Sir Thomas, to
have him change his rninde, and that he should not be so obsti-
nate and self-liked, as to persevere still in one minde. Sir Thomas
either wearie of his tedious speeches, or desirous to be merrie, or
to learne the man to speake more intelligible, for in all his dis-
course he never mentioned wherein he should change his minde,
nor spake one worde, either of the marriage, or of the kinges
supremacie, or of any particular matter that concerned Sir
Thomas, but onlie desired and urged that he would be b<
advised and change his opinion : " Sir," (quoth Sir Thomas to
him) "I will tell you the verie truth. I have considered and
preponderated all my affairs and doings, both publick and j>ri\
and now I see it very expedient for me to change my opinion :
and so I meane to doe. Wherefore I meane— " and there he
staid. The courtier interrupting him, neither asking him, nor
expecting the rest of his speeches, showes himself merveiloua "-lad.
congratulates him in his good chaunge, and desires him to continue
it. And away he hyed to the king, to whom he told tin-
successe he had gott by conference with Sir Thomas. The
was verie glad to heare it, and commands him presentlic to
retourne againe, and saith, "Commend me to Sir Thomas, and
tell him" ((juoth the king), " how gratefully 1 take it. in that he
will not seem to strive with us anie more. And moreover
him to understand from me, that for further >atistaet inn <»f the
worlde, it is our pleasure that he sett it down in writing, that all
may see his loyalty and love to us, his kinge and lorde." The

SIR THOMAS MORE. 107

over hastie reporter of this blessed newes, repaires with speed to
Sir Thomas, and declares to him the kinges will and pleasure.
Whereat Sir Thomas being abashed : " Now God forbid" (quoth
Sir Thomas) " that anie worde passed betwixt you and me here
in secret, should be told the king." " It is well enough" (quoth
the courtier) "for I know it will verie much please his majestie,
to heare so good tidings." " What tidings be these ?" (quoth Sir
Thomas) " You told me," (quoth he) " you had changed your
opinion." "Now our Lorde help us" (quoth Sir Thomas) "my
opinion, my opinion, I have changed — but in what, I perceive you
did not understand me, which had been verie requisite to have
been done, before you had informed his majestie. For now he
may be highlie offended, as thinking himself abused by one of us."
"Why" (quoth he) "have you not chaunged your opinion con-
cerning the supremacie and the divorce ?" " We talked of no
such matters" (quoth Sir Thomas) : " but you were still urging
me to change my opinion ; and I told you I had ; and being
about to explicate my meaninge, you were over hastie, for you
interrupted me, and so in haste you departed ; and in my mind a
little sooner than good manners would. This then I would have
said unto you. I have changed my opinion, — concerning the
cutting of my beard ! For you see it is now all growne out of
fashion since my coming into prison : and you know it is the
manner of those that have been of the kings counsell, or be judges
of the realm, to have their beards cut shorte and netted. And
once I thought to have gone to my death, netted, as I was wont
to wear it. But now I have changed my opinion ; for my beard
shall fare as my head, though the one be dearer to me than the
other."

As he lived, so he died ; allways posessing his soule in peace
and tranquillitie. Mens secura,juge conmmum, " a quiet mind is a
continuall banquett."

Going to the scaffold to loose his head, the ascending of the
stairs not being verie easie, " Help me up with one of your hands,"
said he to one of the officers, " for as for my coming downe, let
me shift as I may : for by then I am sure I shall take no great
harme." His head being laid on the block, the executioner asked
him pardon, as the custom is. " I forgive thee with all my heart"
(quoth he). " Marie, my neck is so shorte, I feare me thou
shalt have little honestie by thy workmanship. See therefore
that thou acquite thyself well ;" and there withall he gave him an

108 SIR THOMAS MORE.

angell for his paines. These his sweet and pleasant speeches 8
purchased good will of all that knew him ; and therefore in his
epitaph he speakes this of himself, " Neque nobilibus eram invisus,
nee injucundus populo : Neither was I misliked of the nobles, nor
unpleasant to the commons." I must say, to theeves, mur-
therers, and especiallie to hereticks, he was no great friend, there-
fore he in the same place saith, " Furibus, homicidis, hereticisque
molestusfui. To theeves, murtherers, and hereticks I was allwaies
grievous and offensive." And to be troublesome to hereticks he
counted it a praise ; and therefore in an epistle to Erasmus he
saith in this manner. " Quod in epitaphio profiteor, me her>
esse molestum, hoc ambitiose fed. In that I confess me to have
been displeasing to hereticks, this I say I wrote ambitiouslie : for
there is not any sorte of men that I worse like than they : for I
see by daiely experience, so much evill by them, that it greeveth
me to the heart to think of it." — Yet all the while he was chaun-
cellour there was not one man put to death for heresie.

8. Now let us a little consider his demeanour towards his wife,

8 His sweet and pleasant speeches^] We may borrow here a short extract
from Lloyd's State Worthies.

" His apophthegms were grounded on experience and judgment. He
would say, —

" ' He was not always merry that laughed.

" ' The world is undone by looking at things at a distance.

" ' To aim at honour here, is to set up a coat of arms over a prison-gate.

" ' If I would employ my goods well, I may be contented to lose them ; if
ill, I should be glad.

" ' He that is covetous when he is old, is as a thief that steals when he is
going to the gallows.

" ' The greatest punishment in the world were to have our wishes.

" ' Pusillanimity is a great temptation.

" * Affliction undoes many; pleasures more.

" ' We go to hell with more pain than we might go to heaven.

" ' Who would not send his alms to heaven ? Who would not send his
estate whither he is to be banished ? '

" When any detracted from others at his table, he said, ' Let any man
think as he pleases, I like this room well.'

" ' It is easier to prevent than redress.' " P. 49, 50.

"To one who told him of his detractors, he said, "Would you have me
punish those by whom I reap more benefits, than by all you my friends r '

" When my lord Cromwell came to him in his retirement, he advised him
to tell the king ' what he ought to do, not what he can do ; so shall you shew
yourself a true and faithful servant, and a right worthy counsellor. For if a
lion knew his own strength, hard were it for any man to rule him.' " P. 53.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 109

children, and familie, which was so well ordered, that rather it
might seem a religious monasterie of regulars, than a mansion
house of a lay-man. And some perhaps will thinke it rather a
wittie invention what it should be, than a historic what in truth
it was. For everie bodie there had his time and taske so sett,
either in reading spirituall books, prayers' or other vertuous exer-
cises, that you would thinke it Mary and Martha's house, fitt to
give entertainment to their Creator. There was no strife, no
debate, no wanton or unseemlie talke. Idleness the bane of
youth was quite excluded. To labour and to be vertuous was
their onlie care. His servants he would in no case suffer to be
idle ; for he would say " large food and rest bring diseases both
to bodie and minde." Therefore some he appointed to trimme
and weed his garden, allotting to each a plott, that by striving
each to keep his portion best, they might delight to be working.
Some he appointed to teach musicke, both song and instrument.
Others to write ; others to painte. Some he would have to mend
and sowe apparell. Of cards and dice no use at all. Besides
this, he observed that his men should lodge in one part of his
house, and woomen in an other : nor would he suffer any fami-
liarity amongst them ; hardlie to speake ; more seldome to con-
verse together, but upon especiall occasion. When he was at
home, his custome was, besides private prayers which he never
omitted, daylie in the morning with his children to say the seven
psalms and the letanies with the suffrages 9 ; and at night, before
he went to bed, he would call all his household to goo with him
to the chappell, or to his hall, and there on his knees to say the
psalm Miserere mei, Deus miser eatur nostri, $c. the anthem Halve
Regina, and the psalme De profundis. This he did even when
he was lorde chancellour. He had also the care that on everie
feaste and Sunday all should hear masse. At the solemnities of
Easter, Christmas, Whit Sunday, All Saints, and the like, he
would have all to arise at night, and go to the church, there to
be present at mattins, and after at even song.

He would never strike any of his servants, nor give them any
words of contumelie or reproach. If he had anie occasion to
chide them, it was in such mild sort, that his verie chiding made
him more to be loved. They would be glad to have given occa-
sion in some light matter, (yet feared to give occasion) that they

9 Suffrages ] See note at p. 66.

110 SIR THOMAS MORE.

might enjoy his sweet and loving chiding. Often he would, but
especiallie upon Good Friday, cause the passion of our Saviour
to be red before all his familie. And he would here and there
explicate the text by manner of exhortation. Allwaies at his
table he had red first a chapter out of the bible : then some
comentarie, or some spirituall book. Not a word was spoken all
that tyme. Either one of his daughters, his sonne John, or
Margaret Gige, till they were married, by turns did reade. The
reading was ended when the sign was given with, " Tu autem
Domine miserere nobis" according to the ecclesiasticall manner.

He conversed with his children in most loving manner. He
would talk with them of the joyes of heaven, and the pains of
hell ; of the lives of the holy martyrs, of their patience, and love
of God ; and tell them what a happy and blessed thing it was,
for the love of God, to suffer the losse of goods, imprisonment,
losse of lands, and life also. And he would further say unto
them, that upon his faith, if he might perceave, that his wife
and children would encourage him to die for a good cause, it
should so much comfort him, that for verie joy thereof it would
make him merrilie to runne to death. And to have them the
better prepared against troubles, he would show what was pos-
sible, though not like to fall unto him. If his wife, or anie of
his children were sike or diseased, he would say unto them, " \Ve
may not look, at our pleasures to go to heaven in feather-1
and with full bellies ; it is not the way ; for our Saviour himself
went thither with great paine and tribulation ; and the crosse
was the path wherein he walked, leaving us example to follm\v
his stepps. The servant is not to look to be in better case than
his master. Be of good comfort, and be patient ; for this sick-
ness is sent you of God to purchase you heaven." He would
tell them the means to attain to this vertue, or to that; and to
flie or shunn this vice, or some other; and as speculativ.lv.
so practicallie taught them to embrace vertue, and speriallie
humilitie.

His sonne John's wife often had requested her father in law.
Sir Thomas, to buy her a billimeut 10, sett with pearls. He had
often put her off, with many prettie sleights; l>ut at last, tor her
importunity, he provided her one. Instead of pearles. he caused
white peaze to be sett; so at his next coming home, his daughter

n Billiment.~\ Any ornament for females. Qu. from habiliment.

SIR THOMAS MORE. Ill

demanded her Jewell. " Aye marrie, daughter, I have not for-
gotten thee." So out of his studie he sent for a box, and
solemnlie delivered it to her. When she with great joy lookt for
her billiment, she found, far from her expectation, a billiment of
peaze ; and so she allmost wept for verie greefe. But her father
gave her so good a lesson, that never after she had^any great
desire to weare anie new toy.

They having so vertuous and good education, could not chuse
but prove most toward children. He provided good maisters
for them. Dr. Clement, a famous phisitian, was one. William
Gunnell (whose memorie is yet fresh in Cambridge, for his
learning and his workes of pietie), Richard Hart, and others
taught them humanitie, Greek, Latin, logique, philosophic, the
mathematiques ; and withall they red unto them some easie things
in divinitie ; and how much they profitted herein, we will parti-
cularlie sett downe : — but first we will speak of his wives.

Sir Thomas was twice married, as before I said : first to Joan
Colte u, a young maid, and a gentleman's daughter of Essex.
She was very vertuous, and pliable to all his will and pleasure.
By her he had three daughters, Margaret, Elizabeth, Cicilie ;
and one onlie sonne whose name was John. His wife, when he
first married her, she was after her countrie fashion rude and
untaught : but he soon framed her to his disposition and appetite.
He caused her to be instructed in learning, and all kind of mu-
sicke ; and shee so well liked him, that no doubt if she had lived,
he should have had a sweet and contented life with her.

His three daughters were thus married. Margaret to maister
William Roper ; who had by him two sonnes, Thomas and An-
thony, and three daughters Elizabeth, Marie, and Margaret.
His second daughter had to husband, John Dansey 1 ; and she had
five sonnes and two daughters. Cicilie was given in marriage to
Giles Heron ; and they had two sonnes and a daughter. John
More, his onlie sonne, married mistress Anne Chrisacre, a gentle-
man's daughter of worshipp in Yorkshire. She was the onlie
heir of her father, and by her came a fair living. Master John
More had by her six sonnes ; Thomas, Austin, Edward, Bartho-
lomew, another Thomas, Francis, and one onlie daughter called
Anne. Thomas the eldest sonne of John, and god-son to Sir
Thomas the grand-father, married the daughter of master Scroope,

11 Joan Colte. ~\ See p. 55.

1 John Dansey. ~\ See State Papers, i. 366 (or William ? see p. 56).

112 SIR THOMAS MORE.

and are now both living. (Anno Domini 1599.) He hath three
comelie gentlemen to his sonnes, and five daughters now alive.
He hath had thirteen children, of whom I could relate particular
matter much worthie the noting ; but seeing they are yet living,
and they desire rather to be known by their vertues, than by
others'1 pemis, I shall cease from that labour. Eleven of this off-
spring were born before Sir Thomas his death and imprisonment.

Now that Sir Thomas had so manie children, and so great a
family, he knew the care in ruling and governing them was
great ; and to ease himself of that burden determined to marrie
againe ; so for that end principallie he married a widdowe 2, whose
skill in such matters he thought would much ease him. This
wooman most lovinglie he used. Though she was aged, blunt,
rude, and barren, yet he of his wisdome, or rather pietie, so
cherished, and made much of her, as if she had been his first
young wife, adorned with happy issue of her bodie. She was
also sparefull, and somewhat given to niggardliness. Yet such
as she was, he by his dexterity so fashioned her, that he had a
quiet and pleasant life with her, and brought her to that order
that she learned to play and sing : and ever, at his returne home,
he tooke an account of the task he had enjoyned her touching
these exercises ; but with such showe of love, that she desired
to please him the better. The greatest fault she had, was she
would now and then show herself to be her mother's daughter,
kitt after kinde : it is but their natures to be a little talkative.

Once after shrift 3 she bad Sir Thomas be merrie : " for I
have " (quoth she) " for all this whole day left my shrewdness ;
for I have been at confession : but to-morrow Fll begynne afresh."

" Married a widdowe.~\ Mrs. Alice Middleton.

3 After shrift.'] His latter wife was a widow, of whom Erasmus writeth
that he was wont to say, that she was, " nee bella, nee puella " Who as she
was a good housewife, so she was not void of the fault that often folloucth
that virtue, somewhat shrewd to her servants. Upon a time Sir Thomas found
fault with her continual chiding, saying, "If that nothing else would reclaim
her, yet the consideration of the time" (for it was Lent) " should restrain h«-r."
" Tush, tush, my Lord," (said she) " look here is one step to heaven-ward,"
shewing him a Friar's girdle. " I fear me" (quoth Sir Thomas More) " this
one step will not bring you up a step higher."

"One day when she came from shrift she said merrily unto him.
merry, Sir Thomas, for this day was I well shriven, I thank (iod; and pur-
pose now therefore, to leave off my old shrewdness.' ' Yea,' (quoth he)
' and to begin afresh.' " Camden's Remains, p. 275. edit. 1G57.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 113

And though it was spoken in merriment, yet was it full often
true ; as himself acknowledgeth in his Books of Comforte, though
as his manner was, under a disguised woman of Hungary he
reported it. That she had a tongue you shall see by this. For
when she saw Sir Thomas had no list to grow upwarde in the
worlde, nor labour for office of authority ; and besides that, for-
sook a right worshippfull place when it was offered him, she fell
in hand with him, and all to be-rated him. " What will you
doe" (quoth she) "that you list not to put yourself forth as
other folkes doe? Will you sit still by the fire, and make goslings
in the ashes with a sticke, as children doe ? Would God I were a
man, and look then what I would doe?" " Why wife" (quoth
Sir Thomas) "what would you doe?" " What? marrie, goe for-
ward with the best of them all" (quoth she). "For as my
mother was wonte to say, (God have mercie on her soule !) it is
ever better to rule, than to be ruled. Wherefore I would not
by God I warrant you, be so foolish to be ruled, where I might
rule." " By my troth wife " (quoth he) " in this I dare say you
say true ; for I never found you willing to be ruled so long as I
have knowne you 4."

Againe, when he was prisoner in the Tower, and had conti-
nued there a good while, she at last obtained licence to see him.
Who at her first coming, like a simple, ignorant wooman, after
her homely manner, thus bluntly saluted him : " What a good
yeare5, master More, I mervaile what you mean. You have
been hitherto taken for a wise man ; and will you now so much
play the foole, as to lie here in this close and filthie prison ; and
to be shut up alone with mice and ratts, when you might be
abroad at your libertie, with the favour and good will of the king,
and all his counsell, if you would but doe as all the bishopps, and
the best learned in the realme have done ? And seeing you have
at Chelsea a faire house, your librarie, your books, your gallerie,
your gardin, your orchard, and all other your necessaries, so
handsome and fitt about you, where you might, in the companie
of me your wife, your children, and houshold be merrie ; I muse
what, a Gods name, you mean, to be here still." After he had

4 As I have knowne you.~] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1 224.

5 A good yeare,] " Quick. — Sir, the maid loves you, and all shall be well ;
we must give folks leave to prate : What the good jer." Merry Wives of
Windsor, Act I. Scene 4. " Conrade. — What the goujere, my lord : why are
you thus out of measure sad ?" Much Ado about Nothing, Act I. Scene 3.

VOL. II. I

114 SIR THOMAS MORE.

heard her awhile quietlie, with a cheerful countenance, he said
to her. " I pray thee good mistress Alice " (for that was her
name) "tell me one thing." " Whats that?" (quoth she). " Is
not this house " (quoth he) " as near heaven as my owne V She
not likinge such talke answered, " Tillie vallie, tillie vallie."
"But how say you, good wife, is it not so" (quoth he)?
" Deus bone, Deus bone, will this geare never be lefte " (quoth
shee) ? " Well, then, my good Alice, if it be so " (quoth he),
" it is well. Moreover I see no great cause, why I should so
much joy, either of my gay house, or of any thinge belonging
thereunto, when if I should be buried but seven yeares under the
ground, I should not fail to find some therein, that would not
sticke to bid me get out a doors, and tell me the house were none
of mine. What cause then have I to like such a house that
would so soon forget his maister ? "

At another tyme she came againe to visit him ; and amongst
many matters that she was sorrie for, for his sake, one she much
lamented in her mind; which was, that he should have his
chamber door made fast upon him everie night. " By my troth "
(quoth shee), " if the door should be shut upon me, I thinke it
would stop my breath." At that Sir Thomas smiled, but durst
not laugh out for fear of displeasing her (as he saith himself) ;
and thus he answered : " Gentle wife, I wott well you use to
shutt your chamber within, both doores and windowes, and not
to have them opened all the long night : and what difference is
there between them, for the stopping one's breath, whether the
chamber door be shut within or without6?"

When Sir Thomas divers times had beheld his wife, what paines
she took 7 with straight binding up of her hair, to make her a fa ire
large forehead ; and with lacinge in of her bodie to make her
middle small, and all for a little foolish praise ; he said to her,
M Madam, if God give you not hell, he shall doo you great wmno •;
for of right it is your's ; you buy it so deare, and take such paines
for it." Therefore you see Sir Thomas had some cause, as well
as his father, who was wont merrilie to say, "that the choice of
taking a wife is like as if a blinde man should put his haixlr into
a bagge full of snakes, and eeles togeather ; seven snakes for one
ele:" And if he had heard any man say, his wife was a >ln

6 Within or without.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1247.

7 Paines she took.] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1205.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 115

he would say, " you defame her, and so do all those that sale the
like of their wives : for there is but one shrewe in the worlde, and
that one is mine ; and so weeneth everie man that is married."
But Sir Thomas so much bettered the state of her minde, that I
doubt not she is a saved soule : and now enjoyetheach the other's
companie in blisse. — Thus much of his wives.

Wee will beginne with his eldest daughter, mistress Margaret
Roper, who prickt nearest her father, as well in witt, learning and
vertue, as also in merrie and pleasant talke, and in feature of
bodie. She was to her servants meek and gentle ; to her brothers
and sisters most lovinge and amiable ; to her friends stedfast and
comfortable ; and would give verie sound counsaile, — which is a
rare thinge in a woman.

Some men, of good callinge and experience, in their perplexities
and difficult causes would consult with her, and found, as they
afterward reported, as grave and profitable counsaile at her hands,
as they doubted to find the like else- where, for age and sex more
likely than shee. To her children she was a double mother, as
not onlie to bring them forth into the worlde, but also brought
them to heaven warde, by instructing them in vertue and learn-
ing. It happened her husband, upon a displeasure taken against
him by the kinge was sent to the Tower ; whereupon certaine
commissioners were sent to search his house. So upon a sodeine
coming to her, they found her, not puling and whining (as com-
monlie they doo in such cases), but cheerfullie teaching her little
children. They delivered to her their message ; wherewith she was
nothinge apalled, but in her talke to them she showed such con-
stancie, gravitie and wisdome, that they were in great admiration
at her demeanour, and afterwards they would say that they could
never speake so much good of her as she deserved.

To her husband she was such a wife as I suppose it were hard
to match her. For she was so debonaire and gentle a wife, that
Master Roper thought himself a happie man, that ever he hap-
pened upon such a treasure ; and he had her in such estimation,
that he would often say " that she was more worthie, for her ex-
cellent qualities, to have been a princes wife." And he againe
was of his part, so sober to her, so sweet, so modest, and so loving
a husband, that if he had not been her husband, it might have
seemed to have been her owne germaine brother, as Erasmus was
wont to say of a happie couple. But above all she was to her
father a most naturall loving childe. And albeit her behavioure

i 2

116 SIR THOMAS MORE.

and reverence towards him all her life time was much to be com-
mended, yet never so notablie as after her father's trouble and
imprisonment ; and then not so much for her paines and travaile,
which she took to procure him some ease and relief, as for her
wise and godlie talke, and for her comfortable letters she often
sent him, and for some other reasons ; so that it well appeared,
she was the chiefest and onlie comfort almost he had in this
worlde.

It happened once, long before his troubles, his daughter was
verie sicke. The Phisitians, and all other, despaired of her health.
The disease was then unknown, and dangerous 8. The onlie re-

8 Unknoum, and dangerous.] "This distemper began at first in 1483, in
Henry Vllth's army upon his landing at Milford haven, and spread itself in
London from the 21st of September to the end of October. It returned here
five times, and always in summer; first in 1485; then in 1506: afterward in
1517, when it was so violent that it killed in the space of three hours. It
appeared the fourth time in 1520, and again in 1528, which seems to be the
time when this lady had it, and proved mortal in the space of six hours. . . .
The only cure was to carry on the sweat, which was necessary for a long
time : sleep to be avoided by all means." — Dr. Freind's History of Phisick,
vol. ii. p. 335.

In addition to the above note, borrowed from Lewis's edition of Roper's
Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 46, I shall produce, from a contemporary writer,
a description of the moral phenomena which displayed themselves, upon the
return of this dreadful malady in the reign of Edward VI. The account
deserves to be classed with those of a like kind given by Thucydides, in his
description of the Plague at Athens : by Hodges and other writers, in their
narratives of the great plague in 1665, &c. &c. The extract is taken from
the famous Shorte Treatise of Politike Power, by D. J. P. B. R. W. initials,
as it has been supposed, intended to denote Dr. John Ponet, bishop (of)
Rochester (and) Winchester.

" Whan the Great Sweat was in England, in the tyme of King Edwarde, a
little signification of a greater scourge foloweing ; and many that were mery
at dyner, were buried in the evenyng; some that went at night to slepe
lustie, were founde in bedde dead in the morning ; some that went not farre
from their owne house, never returned : than as long as the ferventnesse of
the plage lasted, ther was cryeng, ' Peccavi, peccavi, peccavi ; I have sinned,
I have sinned, I have sinned : Mercie, good Lorde, mercie, mercie, mercie.'
The ministers of Gods worde were sought for in everi corner : they could not
rest ; they might not slepe. ' Ye must come to my lorde. Ye must come
to my lady. My maister prayeth you to come straight unto him. My maistres
must needs speke with you. Come, if ye love God. And if ye love their
salvacion, tarye not.' ' For Goddes sake, master minister ' (saye the sicke
folkes), ' tell us what we shall doo, to avoide Godds wrothe. Take these
bagges. Paye so muche to suche a man, for I deceaved him. Geve him so
muche, for I gat it of him by usurie. I made a craftie bargain with suche a

SIR THOMAS MORE. 117

medie they could then find out by experience was to be kept from
sleeping. It was in the time of the great sweat. All means were
sought to keep her awake, but it would not be, so there was no
hope of her recoverie, Her father, who most entirely loved her,
sought remedie at Gods hands : so went to the chappell in his
New building, and there upon his knees with tears most devoutlie
besought the Divine Majestic, that it would like his goodness,
unto whom nothing was impossible, if it were his blessed will, at
his mediation to vouchsafe gratiouslie to hear his humble petition
for his daughter. It came then presentlie into his minde that a
glister would be the alone remedie to help her sleeping, which
waking she would not have suffered ; and therewith she was
thoroughly waked. The phisitians misliked this counsaile, yet it
pleased God, for her fathers fervent prayer, as we may verilie
thinke, to restore her to perfect health. Yet Gods markes (an
evident token 9 of present death) plainely appeared upon her ;
whereby it is plain that this help was more than naturel. Her
father loved her so dearlie that if it had pleased God then to have
taken her to his mercie, he had determined never after to have
meddled with worldlie matters. But now in his imprisonment her
daughterlie affection did double itself. In one letter to her, he
writeth, that to declare what pleasure and comfort he tooke of
her wise and elegant letters, a pecke of coles will not suffice to

one ; restore him so muche, and desire him to forgeve me. I have taken
bribes of suche a one, I pray you geve him so muche more again. I have
spoken evil of suche a man, God forgeve it me. I have bene a hooremonger,
a bavvde, God perdone me. Dyvide this bagge among the poore. Carrie
this to the hospital. Pray for me for Goddes sake. Good Lord forgeve me,
I have dissembled with thee. I pretended to love thy word with my lippes,
but I thought it not with my hart. But now I see thou knowest the secretest
secretes, and wilt not leave evil unpunished. Have mercie on me, and forgeve
me Good Lord, I beseche thee from the botome of my harte.' — This was the
dissimulacion of the people for three or foure daies, whiles the execucion was.
But after whan the rage was somewhat swaged, than return they to their
vomite, worse than ever they were. Than, that they had before caused to be
restored, and geven in almose, they seke to recover by more evil-favoured
chevisaunses. But God is not blynde, nother is his hande shortened."
Signat. M. edit. 1556. Compare Donne's Sermons. Sermon xxi. See also
the note to the Life of Colet, in vol. i. p. 444.

9 Gods markes, an evident token.'] " We used to say, that those that have
God's tokens upon them, are past hopes of life : here you may plainly see
God's tokens upon these men, they are reserved to everlasting damnation." —
Ussher in Parr's Life of Abp. Ussher, p. 69.

118 SIR THOMAS MORE.

make him penns ; merrilie insinuating what lack he had of fitter
tooles.

Erasmus wrote many epistles to her, and dedicated his Com-
mentaries on certaine hymnes of Prudentius to this gentlewoman,
and calleth her the flower of all learned matrones of England.
Nor was she meanlie learned. She compounded in Greek and
Latin both verse and prose, and that most eloquentlie. Her witt
was sharpe and quicke ; and to give you a taste thereof, know
this : Saint Ciprians workes had been in those days oftentimes
printed; yet there remained amongst other faults one notable
uncorrected, and thereof no perfect sense could be made, to the
laming, and blemishing of a most notable sentence and testimonie
of so ancient and sacred a writer. The words were these. " Absit
enim ab ecclesia Romano, vigorem suum tarn pro/ana facilitate
demittere, et nisi vos severitatis eversa fidei majestate dissolve™."
Which place when mistress Margaret red, presentlie without anie
help of other example or instruction, " These words nisi vos must
be" (saith shee) " nervos" So the sentence by mending of that
worde nisi vos into nervos, is made plain and perspicuous. This
correction of hers is noted of John Costerius in his commentaries
uppon Vincentius Lirinensis, and by Pamelius in his Annotations
on Saint Ciprianis epistle thirty first.

Quintilian, to shew the excellencie of his cunninge in witt,
made an oration in the behalf of a poor man, whose bees standing
in a rich man's garden, were killed with poison sprinkled upon tin-
flowers. She made another oration, answering his, in the defence
of the rich man, wherein she quitted herself so well, that it is
nothing inferior to that of Quintilian, though her part was the
harder to defend.

Reignold Poole, after cardinall, and John [Voysey] byshopp of
Exeter, so liked her epistles, that they could hardly be persuaded
that such learning could be found in that sex, as there they found.
Sir Thomas answered the byshopps, that he could assure them
that they were her owne doings, without any helpe. The next
day Sir Thomas sent to her from court to write another epistle of
a theame that one of the byshopps sent her. The next day -In-
n-turned her letter, and thereby contented so much the byslmpps.
that they gave her great praise and commendations ; and one of
them sent her a portigue10 in token of his good liking. Yet for

10 A portigue.'] A Portugal piece : " numraura aureum Portugalensem." —
Stapletoni Tres Thomas, p. 242.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 119

all this, she was of that modestie, and rare humilitie, that she
misliked to hear herself praised for anie qualitie. She thought so
lowlie of her own witt and learning, that she was ashamed to have
anie man to see her workes. This mind of hers greatlie pleased
her father.

Seeing we have said so much of the wife, it will not be amiss
to enterlace somewhat of the husbande ; who when he married
her was a zealous Protestant ; and withall liked so well of him-
self, and his divine learning, that he took the bridle in the teeth,
and ran forthe like a head-strong horse, and could not be pulled
back againe by anie means. Neither was he contented to whisper
it in hugger muggar, but thirsted verie sore to divulge his doctrine
to the worlde, and thought himselfe able to defend it against
any ; so he much longed to be pulpitted. His zeal was so great in
Luther's new religion, he could have been contented, so that he
might have satisfied his madd affection, to have forgone a good
portion of his lands, which by inheritance were fair and ample ;
for his father was the king's attorney-generall, and had procured
for him the protonotaries office of the king's bench, which hitherto
hath continued in his name. At this time some of this new sect
had taken such an itch of preaching, that they could hardly charm
their tongues : yet for feare, making with their lipps a shew of the
catholick faith, they contained themselves whilest their heresie lay
festering in the bottom of their hearts, only upon hope as they after-
wards confessed, that the time would serve them better to preach
openlie. His fall into heresie, as he afterwards would often say,
did first growe of a scruple of his owne conscience, for lacke of
grace and better understanding. For he daylie did use immo-
derate fastinge and manie prayers ; which if discretion and
counsaile had prescribed, it had been well ; but using them of
his owne head, without order and good consideration, thinking
God never to be pleased therewith, he did wearie himself usque ad
tcedium, even unto lothsomeness thereof. Then did he under-
stand of certaine books of frier Luthers ; and as Eve, of a
curious mind to knowe good and bad, so he, for the strangeness
and pleasantness of the doctrine, had a desire to read some of
the bookes. He happened of one entituled De Libertate Chris-
tiana, and on another De Captivitate Babylonica, two venemous
and pestilent bookes. He was so infected with the poison of
them, that he believed everie thing that Luther said to be most
true : and thus through his owne pride, ignorance, and corrupt

120 SIR THOMAS MORE.

affection, Luther's false allegations, sophisticall reasonings, and
doubtfull arguinge, he was pitifullie deceived ; and was fullie of
that opinion that onlie faith dothjustifie, and that good workes do
nothing profitt ; and that if a man would once believe that Christ
died for him, it was enough ; then that all the ceremonies, rites,
and sacraments used in the church of God were vaine and super-
stitious. And so farr he waded in these heresies, that he wished
he might be suffered publicklie to preach ; thinking, as we have
said, that he should be better able to edifie the people, then the
best doctor that comes to Powles Crosse. And thus for his
open talk, and companing with divers merchaunts of the still-
yarde, and others, suspected of heresie, he was convented before
cardinall Wolsey. The merchaunts abjured at Powles Crosse ;
yet maister Roper, for some respect the cardinall bore to Sir
Thomas, his father-in-lawe, was after a friendlie warning, quietlie
discharged for that tyme.

Albeit maister Roper married Sir Thomas his eldest daughter,
yet of all men in the worlde, at that time he least loved hym ;
yea in his heart abhorred him. And no mervaile, for Luther's
easie, shorte, and licentious doctrine, had cast him to so sweet a
sleep, that he gave over his fastinge, his prayers, and loathed
both good bookes and good folkes, and gott himself forsooth a
Lutheran bible, wherein upon the holidays, instead of his prayers,
he spent his whole time, thinking it sufficient to gett a little
knowledge, to be able amongst the ignorant persons to babble
and talke, as though he had been a great doctor. Thus he con-
tinued some yeares, and could not be recovered by anie means.
Upon a time Sir Thomas talking with his daughter Margaret,
said unto her in this sorte, " Megg, I have borne a long time
with thy husband. I have reasoned and argued with him, and
still given him my poor fatherlie counsaile ; but I perceave none
of all this can call hym home againe. And therefore Megg, I
will no longer dispute with him; nor yet will I give him over,
but I will another way to worke, and gett me to God, and pray
for him. And presentlie upon this, through the great mercie of
God and the devoute prayer of his father-in-lawe. he j»< -m -av. •<!
his owne ignorance, malice, and follie, and returned againe to tin-
catholic faith. And so firmly he was rooted and fixed in it, that
he continued verie resolute and constant unto his life's md, and
left it as an inheritance to his house and children ; and was after-
wards a singular helper and patrone to all afflicted catholicks,

SIR THOMAS MORE. 121

and especiallie to such as were in prison, or otherwise troubled
for the defence of the catholick faith. His ordinarie alms, as
yet to be seen in his book of accounts, amounted yearlie to one
thousand pounds ; his extraordinaries were as much, and some-
times more ; sometimes two, three, and four thousand pounds a
yeare.

He was, for relieving by his almes a learned man, maister
Beckenshawe, sent to the Tower, in the reign of king Henery the
eighth. His charitie and alms were so great to poor and needie
persons, that it were a hard matter to find another of his degree,
who might in that respect be compared to him : for he was
" oculus cceco^pes claudo, et pater pauperum, an eie to the blinde,
a foote to the lame, and a father of the poore." (Job, c. 29.) —
This is a goodlie faire president for other of this tyme, being of
less witt, vertue, and learning, to teach them to reforme them-
selves to the catholick faith, and learne them to retourne from
whence they went, and to redeem their sins by almes.

This blessed couple had a daughter whose name was Mary :
full learned she was in the liberal sciences. First she was
married to master Clark, afterwards shee was married to master
Basset, one of the privie chamber in queen Mary's time ; and
shee herself was one of the maides of honour. This gentle-
woman very handsomelie translated the Ecclesiasticall Historie
of Eusebius out of Greek into Latin, (and after into English, yet
extant, to the shame of the hereticall of Meredith Hanmer)
which for that Christopherson bishopp of Lincolne his translation
was then famous and extant, her*s came not to print. The
English may hereafter. She translated the historic of Socrates,
Theodoretus, Sozomenus and Evagrius. These of her modestie
they x caused to be suppressed. She also translated a treatise of
her grandfather Sir Thomas, made upon the Passion; and so
elegantlie, and so eloquentlie hath penned it, that a man would
thinke it were originallie written in the English tongue by Sir
Thomas himself.

Now it remaineth to say something of the rest. Master John
More, Sir Thomas his eldest sonne, was well learned, and verie
vertuous. Erasmus dedicated unto him, as to one deserving well
of good letters, Aristotle in Greek, corrected by him. Symon
Grineus dedicated his commentaries on Plato and Proclus in the

1 They.~\ Qu<Bre She ?

122 SIR THOMAS MORE.

same language. Margaret Gige, though not one of his naturall
children, yet brought up with his other children even from her
youth, was furnished with the knowledge of both the Greek and
Latin tongues, and had good skill in phisicke, as by this you may
see.

It happened that Sir Thomas, some yeares before his death,
had an ague, and had passed two or three fitts. After, he had a
fitt out of course, so strange and merveilous, that a man would
thinke it impossible ; for he felt himself at one time bothe hote
and cold, throughoute all his bodie ; and not in one part hote,
and in another colde, for that is not strange ; but he felt sensiblie
and painfullie at one time in one place, both contrarie qualities.
He asked the phisitians how it might be possible. They answered
it could not be. Then this little maide (for then shee was verie
younge, yet had read Galen) told Sir Thomas, that there was
such a kind of fever ; and forthwith she shewed a book of Galen
De differ 'entiis/ebrium, where he avoucheth as much. This gentle-
woman, after married doctor John Clement, famous for his
singular skill in Greek, and in phisicke.

This schole of Sir Thomas More was liked and praysed of
great and learned both at home and abroade. Erasmus for the
renowne of it, dedicateth to this schole his commentaries upon
certaine workes. And Ludovicus Vives highly praysed it, and
with great reason surelie. If we do consider their great iix-r
in learning, it was rather an universitie than a private schole ; if
their profitt in vertue, a monasterie, rather than a courtiers
house. And he being such as we have said, his wife, children
and familie could be no other than they were, singularlie learned,
and merveilouslie vertuous.

BOOK THE THIRD.

1. HITHERTO we have described Sir Thomas how wise, how elo-
quent, how learned, how honourable a judge and iiia^i>trat( li«-
was : how loving a husband, how careful a father, ho\\
friend, how zealous against licreticks, and in life how saintly and
holy he was. But the chiefest thing, and the most memoraM<

SIR THOMAS MORE. 123

and worthie to be written in letters of gold is this ; that Sir
Thomas More, for the defence of justice and veritie, most gladlie
and willingly offered himself to death. The narration of whose
glorious martyrdome, being a thing of great comfort and edifica-
tion, it were not meet sleightly or briefly to shut it upp. There-
fore we will ripp upp the verie beginninge of this tragedie.

Then first we must speake of cardinall Wolsey, whose doings
I do not willinglie speake of, yet being incident unto our matter,
we are forced somewhat to rehearse them. Who though he had
some good parts and gifts in him, yet he was of so aspiring and
ambitious a nature, fraught with the fruits of pride, disdaine and
revenge, that well had it been with him if never he had been
borne a man ; for by these detestable vices he threw himself
headlong into utter ruine and shame ; corrupted his prince with
enormous vices ; caused the death of manie good men ; opened
the gate to fowle and hideous schisme and heresie ; with which
sinne our poor countrie hath been most lamentably overwhelmed.
All this, though not intended by him, yet originallie sprange of
his wicked and cursed ambitions. For this cardinall first moved 2
question and doubt concerning the divorce between ladie Kathe-
rine of Spaine, and Henery the eighth king of England. This
Katherine was before married to prince Arthur, elder brother to
Henery aforesaid. Arthur, being of a weak and feeble constitu-
tion, died presentlie after this marriage ; whereupon their wise
and prudent fathers, Henery the seventh of England, and Fer-
dinando of Spaine, for the good and quiet of both realms, con-
cluded upon a second contract betwene prince Henery and
Katherine. So they made suite to Alexander, then pope of
Rome, for a dispensation : and the impediment being taken
away, which was thought then by the whole worlde to be neither
against the positive lawe of God or of nature, but only against
the lawe of the church, it was granted by pope Julius the second.
So these two young princes continued quietlie in marriage,
without anie scruple, twentie yeares togeather. — This cardinall I
say, was the first actor and incensour of this divorce ; and it
was upon this occasion, as the ladie Katherine laid afterwards to
his chardge openlie.

He aspired to be invested with the papall dignity : and made
much laboure to that end ; and had manie likelihoods to atchieve

2 Cardinall first moved.'] But see note to vol. i. p. 551.

124 SIR THOMAS MORE.

unto it, both by means of the eraperour Charles, and by some
cardinals of Rome, wrought by his indirect meanes for that pur-
pose ; so once or twice when the sea was voide, he mightilie
expected to have been pope. But at last perceaving himself frus-
trated and illuded of that expectation, and that chiefly (which
galled him not a little) by the emperour Charles, who commended
to the cardinalls, cardinal Adrian, sometimes his scholemaster,
who for his learninge, vertue and worthiness, and by the empe-
rours letters, was elected : so he came from Spaine, where he
had the chief government under the emperour, and entered the
citie of Rome bare footed and bare legged. Wolsey seeing ano-
ther preferred before him, and himself without hope, waxed
wroth, and offended with all, so that he studied by all ways
revengement of his grief against the emperour 3. Wherefore he,
not ignorant of the king's inconstant and mutable disposition,
soon inclined to withdraw his devotion 4 from his owne vertuous
and lawfull wife Katherine, aunt to the emperour, whom now
mortally he maligned, determined to make the king's light nature
an instrument to bring about his ungodlie designment. And for
the better complotting thereof, he would not at the first imme-
diately deale with the king, but sent for Langland bishopp of Lin-
coln, then ghostlie father to the king, and told him, what scruple
and doubt he had, concerning the kings marriage : sayinge, " I
feare it is not as it should be : for verie manie learned men hold
it unlawful for him to marrie his brother's wife. And forasmuch
as the chardge of the king's soule lies on your hands, I thinke it
but your dutie, to inform his majestic of the perill and danger he
stands in." So he never left urging him, till he had won him to
give his consent that he would admonish the king to have it de-
bated and discussed amongst the learned ; the better to sati^hV
and quiet the consciences of his faithfull and loving subj
The king at the first hearing of this, was much amazed, and
seemed to be greeved. " What my Lord," (quoth he) " let us
take heed what we doo ! Consulta et definita to call againe into
question." Uppon this Langland told the cardinal!, that he
would meddle no more in the matter. " What my lord" (quoth
the cardinall) " shall the breathe of a man make you start one

3 Against the emperour.'] See vol. i p. 509.

4 To withdraw his devotion.] It does not appear, that there is sufficient
foundation for these severe imputations against the cardinal. See his Life by
Cavendish, in the preceding volume, p. 560.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 125

jott from your dutie I Be he kinge, be he keasar 5, you doe what
becomes a priest, a bishopp. Speake to the kinge againe.
' Urge, obsecra, opportune, importune 6 : Move the matter once
more, and I shall be present. Let it not be known that I am
thus much acquainted with it ; and then will I ridd you of much
labour/ For Wolsey thought, if once the divorce were sett on
foote, to bring it to passe even as he would. So he devised to
allure the king to cast his fancie on Lady Elianor, duches of
Alonson 7, sister to the French king. At this tyme there was
great warre between the king of France and the emperour. If
so he could bring to passe this marriage, two wayes he thought
it would grieve the emperour : first by the dishonour and shame
done to his aunt, queen Katherine, causing her to be rejected,
as having lived in incest twentie yeares togeather. Again he
thought he should mightily back the French king against him,
by linking and uniting togeather the strength of England and
France. And for this purpose, he persuaded with the king to
be sent ambassadour into France, onlie to entreate and conclude
for the perfecting of the aforesaide marriage. Never went anie
forth of this realm with more pomp and glorie 8, then now this
cardinall did : he meaning thereby to make to hymself the kings
favours, (which alreadie he thoroughly possessed, and ruled as he
would,) more firme and sure. Yet never was there anie that
had less honoure, and worse lucke than he gott by this ambas-
sage. For it was the providence, and just judgement of God,
that that which he intended to the harme of others, should be
the occasion of his owne over thro we. For the king (the cardi-
nall nothing less expecting), had fallen in love with Ann Bullen,
and upon her his heart was so thoroughlie and entirely fixed,
that he had contrarie to his speeches to the cardinall, resolutely
determined to marry her. Wherefore there was a messenger
dispatched, with letters to the cardinall, willing and commanding
him, that of other matters he should breake with the French
kinge, but in no cause he should speake a worde of the marriage.

5 Be he keasarJ] See note to vol. i. p. 473.

fi Urge, obsecra, opportune, importuned] ii. Tim. iv. 2. " — opportune, im-
portune, argue, obsecra/' Vulg. version.

7 Duches of AlonsonJ] Not Eleanor but Margaret of Valois, duchess of
Alencon, afterwards queen of Navarre. See note to Cavendish's Life of
Wolsey, in vol. i. p. 604.

8 Pomp and glorie. .] See vol. i. p. 519.

126 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Yet the cardinal! moved it, as being the chief thing to bring his
malicious drift to effect. Which ladie Anne understanding,
afterwards never ceased to urge and press the king against him,
till he was utterlie overthrowne. The king also was otherwise
incensed against him, as hereafter we will declare.

2. Now when this matter was once broched, the king (some
thinke at the first upon some scruple, others were of opinion, he
was never of so tender a conscience, but for some other respects)
opened the matter with the first to Sir Thomas More, whose
counsaile he required therein, shewing him certaine places of
scripture that might seem somewhat to serve for his appetite.
Which when he had perused, as one not professing the studie of
divinitie, he excused himself to be unmeet anie way to meddle
with such matters. The king not satisfied with this answer, so
sore pressed upon him, that in fine he condescended to his graced
motion. And forasmuch as the cause was of such importance as
needed great deliberation and advice, he besought his majestic of
sufficient respite advisedlie to ponder and consider thereon. With
that the king was well contented. "Aye marie," (quoth the
king) " thou saiest well : consult with Tunstall and Clerk
(bishopps of Durham and Bath), and maister doctor Nicholas
the Italian frier 9, and with other of my counsell ; for I have com-
mended the matter to the wisest of them all." So Sir Thomas
departing conferred these places of scripture, with the exposition
of divers of the old doctors, and at his next coming to the court,
talking to the king of the aforesaide matter, saide in this sorte.
" Might it please your grace to give me leave to speake. My
opinion is, that neither my lord of Durham, nor my lord of
Bathe, though I know them both to be vertuous, wise, and learned
men ; nor myself, witli the rest of your counsell, being all your
graced owne servants, for your manyfold benefitts bestowed upon
us most bounden unto you, be not in my judgement meet coun-
sellors herein, as being subject to be suspected either for favour
or feare to utter their mindes. But if your grace mind to under-
stand the truth, such counsellors may be devised, that neither for
respect of their owne worldlie commoditie, nor for feare of your
prineelie authority, will be inclined to deceave you, or can justlv
be thought partiall. And such they be, as their vi-rie nani< -
to be reverenced; to witt Saint Austine, Saint Ambrose. Saint

9 Italien friar.'] Sota de' Ghinucci ?

SIR THOMAS MORE. 127

Jherome, Saint Chrisostome, Saint Basill, and divers others, old
holy doctours, both of the Greek and Latin churche." And
there-withall he delivered to his Majestie certaine places, that he
had gathered out of these fathers for the deciding of the present
question. This was not much agreeable to the kings humour,
yet thenn he seemed to like them : for Sir Thomas in his commu-
nication with the king most discretelie behaved himself, and so
wiselie tempered his speech, that at that time the king took all in
good part ; and oftentimes had conference with him againe about
the same matter.

3. After this, amongst the counsell it was debated at Hampton
court, and at York place, whether the king in this case needed
to have scruple at all, and if he had, what way were best to be
taken to deliver him of it. The most part were of opinion, that
there was good cause of scruple : for the dischardge whereof,
meet they thought, that suit should be made to the sea of Rome.
This greatlie misliked not the king, for there he hoped by money
and other indirect meanes to obtaine his purpose ; wherein, as
afterwards appeared, he was sore deceaved.

Presentlie1 upon this, Sir Thomas More with bishopp Tunstall2,
were sent beyond the seas for certaine affairs of the kings. Then
was suite made to Rome ; and for further triall of the matter, a
commission was procured in which cardinall Campagius and car-
dinall Wolsey were joined commissioners ; who for the determi-
nation hereof sat at the Blackfriers in London ; where a bill was
exhibited for the anulling of the saide marriage, alledging that
it was unlawfull. But for the proofe of the marriage, there was
brought forth a dispensation ; for then it was holden of all to be
onlie against the positive lawes of the church. So there was
brought forth a dispensation, and great disputation was holden to
prove the said bull by lawe to be insufficient as being surreptitium ;
for concealing some particularities, that in the first demand of it
had much increased the difficultie in the graunte.

For it was saide, that in the bull of dispensation graunting
license to king Henry to marrie ladie Katherine, it was not parti-
cularlie specified, whether Arthur, king Heneries brother, did
carnallie know Katherine or no. So then appeared, they saide, an
imperfection. But to prevent this cavill, the two kings of Spaine
and England procured another brief from the pope, in the which^

1 Presentlie.'] In 1529.

2 With bishopp Tunstall.'] And with William Knight and John Racket.

128 SIR THOMAS MORE.

for more abundant cautele, it was distinctly sett downe, that
notwithstanding anie carnall copulation, if anie such were betwixt
the said Arthur and Katherine, the marriage should be good and
available. Search was made for this brief, and it was found in
the treasurie of Spaine ; and so with speed it was sent to the
commissioners into England ; and judgement should accordingly
have been given by the pope (not by the legate) he reserving tin's
to himself. But the king, upon intelligence thereon, appealed as
his last refuge to the next Generall Councell. After which appel-
lation, the legates sat no more. But before the matter passed
thus farr, Sir Thomas concluded a most honourable peace between
his highness the French king and the emperour, returned into
England, and repaired to the king ; where the king broke this
matter againe unto him, and showed him that his marriage was
not onelie against the positive lawes of the church, and the written
word of God both in Leviticus and Deuteronomy, but allso in
such sorte against the lawe of nature, that by no wise it could by
the church be dispensed withall : and incontinentlie laid open the
bible before hym, and there red such wordes, as moved him and
other learned persons so to thinke. But when he asked Sir
Thomas More what he thought upon those wordes, and perceav-
ing his mind not correspondent to his ; he willed him to confer
with master Fox his almoner, and to read a book with him,
which was then in making in defence of the unlawfulness of the
marriage.

4. It happened that the king was marvellously displeased with
the cardinal! Wolsey for the long delay he made in the matter, as
thinking that either he had changed his mind, or mislikcd the
whole matter ; or at least to be nothing so forward and conform-
able to his mind, as he looked for at his hands, and as at oth« -r
times he had found him. So his highness displaced him of his
office of chancellorship ; and within a while after, albeit he
taken and receaved as a legate from the ninth year of the kinirs
reign, as well by the whole realme as by the king himself; an<l as
it was thought the office was procured for the cardinall not without
the king^s special! help and mediation ; yet besides inanie other
great and heynous offences, was laid to his change l»y the kin^s
learned counsel!, the practise, and exercise of that office, without
the kind's speriall license in writing, as a most greevous offence.
and so that he was fallen into a premunire, by vertue of a statute
made in the time of Richard the second : and the whole cl«

SIR THOMAS MORE. 129

of England, for acknowledging the same legatine authority was
thought worthie to be punished in like manner3. So the province
of Canterburie, to recover the kings favour and grace was fined
to pay an hundred thousand pounds. The like contribution for
the rate, the province of Yorke was fain to defray. I say for this
matter, and for the hatred that the ladie Anne Bullen bore to
the cardinal!, for moving the aforesaid marriage with the French
King's sister ; and also by means of doctor Stokesly, bishopp of
London, whom the cardinall not long before in the Star Chamber
openlie put to rebuke, and after sent to the Fleet, the cardinall
was out of the kings favour ; and colourable devices were daily
sought and urged to bring him to publicke triall. Articles were
drawn against him, presented to the king, and followed by mighty
men. So Wolsey in his diocese of Yorke, whereunto (spoiled of
his other livings) he betooke himself, was arrested of high treason
by the earl of Northumberland, and other of the kings privie
chamber ; and sent for up to London, there to make his answer
to such accusations as should be laid against him. But the many
sorrowes and greefes receaved of these troubles, with fear of
worse event, did so deeplie sinke into his harte, that it cut off
part of his jorney, and his life with all, not without some suspi-
cion of poisoning himself4. So in his way to London at Leicester
he died in the abbey. Others denie this poysoning : but this was
the end of him, who was the first and principall instrument of this
divorce. Malum consilium consultori pessimum : he was the first
that smarted for this matter.

In this place Sir Thomas More was elected5 : who was thought

3 In like manner.] See the Life of Cromwell, in this volume.

4 Suspicion of poisoning himself.'] It is observable, that no mention of this
circumstance of poisoning is made by Harpsfield, from whom the substance
of this account is taken. He says merely, " that the many sorrowes and
griefs that he had conceaved of these his troubles, with further feare of other
grievous event, had so deepely suncke into his harte, that it cut off a great
parte of his journey, and life withall. And this ende fell upon him, that was
the first and principall of this unhappie divorce." Lambeth MSS. No. 827.
fol. 15. Compare above, vol. i. Life of Wolsey, p. 631.

5 More was elected.'] In 1529, see note at p. 71, Erasmus, in an epistle to
Giovanni Vergara, says that the chancellorship had been offered to archbishop
Warham before More. 'f Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis vocatus, imo revocatus
est ad Cancellarii munus, quo non aliud in Anglia majus, sed is excusavit
setatem, jam imparem tanto negotio. Itaque provincia delegata est Thomae
Moro, magno omnium applausu, nee minore bonorum omnium laetitia sub-
vectus, quam dejectus Cardinalis." Operum torn. iii. ed. 1703.

VOL. II. K

130 SIR THOMAS MORE.

the rather to have had this office given him, that he might be
induced thereby the sooner to condescend to the king^s request ;
who eftsoons repeated, that no dispensation (the effect being
directlie against the lawe of God) could make it good. So he
willed him againe to confer with byshopp Stokesley, " who in that
point," said the king, " can fullie satisfie you.11 Yet for all this
conference he could by no means be persuaded to change his
minde. Notwithstanding, the byshopp shewed himself to the
king's highness verie favourable in his relation, and said he found
Sir Thomas, in his graces cause, verie desirous to find some matter
wherewith he might serve his turn to his contentation. Yet this
man was but too forvvarde in the behalfe of the king, for all his
gentle reporte : but this he did in respect of the love he bare to
Sir Thomas, in delivering this qualified answer to the kinge.

5. The kinge being more desirous to winn Sir Thomas to
assent, then one half of his realme, presentlie after his entering
into this office, he moved him againe and againe to consider of
this his great matter. Sir Thomas falling downe upon his knees,
humblie besought his highness to stand his gratious lord, as here-
tofore he had found him ; saing that there was nothing in the
worlde, that had been so grievous unto his hart, as to remember
that he was not able, as willinglie he would, yea with the losse of
his limbs, to finde anie thinge in this matter, whereby he might
with safetie of conscience serve his graces contentation. '• For
well I bear in minde," (quoth Sir Thomas) "those most godlie
wordes, that your highnes spake to me, at my first entering into
your noble service ; that first I should attend and looke to God
and his honour ; and then to yourself. And so hitherto, in good
faith, I have done; or ells might your grace account me a most
ongratioua and unworthy servant." To this the king answered,
" Jf you cannot herein, with the safetie of your conscience s
us, we will be content to accept of your service otherwise ; and
use the advise in this matter of my other learned counsell, wln»se
consciences I well wott can agree hereunto. And yet 1 thinke.
you will not condemn them of a large conscience, you taking them
for good and vertuous men. Well, Sir Thomas, I shall continue
my favour towards you, and never hereafter more trouble you re
conscience with this matter."

After all this, the king being fullie determined to proceed in
the marriage with queen Anne, called a parliament f«»r that pur-
pose ; where, for the furtherance of thu marriage, Sir Thomas

SIR THOMAS MORE. 131

was commanded by the kinge to goo into the Lower House, there
to shew unto them what the universities, as well for the parts
beyond the seas, as of Oxforde and Cambridge, had done in that
behalfe ; and their publicke seales testyfying theire dislike of the
former marriage. All this at the kings request he opened unto
them ; neither adding nor detracting of that which he was com-
manded to utter ; and not showing of what minde he was himself
therein. — And so much Sir Thomas condescended unto, for the
satisfying of the kings mind as he could : first he red that which
served for the deciding of the matter ; then he diligentlie con-
ferred with whom he was appointed ; and after these speeches
above rehearsed of the king, he gladlie red all the books that were
made for the marriage of queen Anne : and of the other part, he
would neither read, nor suffer any booke to lie by him, whether
they were made in England or beyond the seas ; nor would wil-
linglie talk with anie that favoured queen Katherines part, more
than was of necessitie or dutie ; nor would give ear to the popes
proceedings in the matter. For having once settled his owne
mind in quiet, he shewed himself so conformable as any reasonable
man in such a case could thinke meet and convenient : insomuch
that those that favoured most of the kings proceedings, would
alwaies say and averre, that there was no obstinacie or lacke of
good will, that Sir Thomas did not change his mind according to
the kings desire. — By chance he found a booke in his studie
amongst other papers, that the byshopp of Bath 6 made, in that
time when the legates satt, for the defence of the first marriage ;
he caused it presentlie to be burnt, and would neither write, nor
hear any to dispute of this matter in his presence.

6. All the time that Sir Thomas was chauncellour, this matter
of the divorce lay in doubt. Now after two yeares and a half (for
so long he continued in that office ; for the twentie sixth of
October he was admitted to it, in the yeare 1529 ; and on the
fifteenth day of May in the yeare 1532 he was dismissed), seeing
still the king was resolutelie bent to proceed in this new marriage,
yea though it were with the dislike of the apostolicall sea, so
doubting lest further things would be demanded of him, by reason
of his office, than might stand with his conscience, he made suite
to the duke of Norfolk, his singular good friend, to be a meane to
the king that he might with his graces favour be discharged of

6 The byshopp of Bath.'] John Clerk.
K 2

132 SIR THOMAS MORE.

his chauncellourship, pretending other colourable, yet true and
probable reasons why he demanded it ; and at the length having
this gratiouslie granted him, he purposed not to meddle further
with princes' affaires, nor with anie other worldlie matter ; but
especiallie and chieflie not with this cumbersome question of the
marriage. So he determined to spend the residue of his life in
meditating of heaven and heavenlie things ; and that he might the
more quietlie settle himself thereunto, placed all his gentlemen
and yeomen with byshopps and noblemen his friends. His barge
and watermen he gave to the lord Audley of Walden, who suc-
ceeded him in his office. He put from his table Pattison his foole,
whom he sent home to his father. He disposed of all his lands,
in manner as before is saide ; most part of his moveables, espe-
ciallie his plate and Jewells, reserving only his chaine of gold for
hymself ; and his wife's golden beads, as he himself merrilie saith,
he sold, and gave away, and made thereof well nighe to the value
of two hundred pounds : part of this he distributed to the poor,
part to his children ; so tooke himself to his house at Chelsea, and
lived a very private and solitarie life, tending to no other thinge,
as being now ridd of all worldlie combers, than to prayers, studi<\
and writing against hereticks, who then begann to trouble the
world.

Presentlie after the resignment of his office, Thomas Cranmer
archbishopp of Canterbourie having commission sent him to define
and determine of the king's marriage, pronounced in open con-
sistory at St. Albans sentence definitive 7 against the marriage of
queen Katherine, and declared the same to be of no force and
validity. And withall by act of parliament, the king, pretending
that he could find no justice at the sea of Rome, disannulled the
authority of the pope in this realme. Then Sir Thomas was much
laid unto to hold with the king ; but being perseverant in his
former constancie, every day some quarrelling matter or other \\as
pickt against him. First they begann to examine his life ; how
in his office he had behaved himself; wherein he was found to be
most just and innocent, so nothing could be fastened against him.
Though some things were objected by Pernell, and di\er> nthi-rs.
yet when matters came to be examined, all made for Sir Thomas
his inte^ritiV and cleerness from all corruption and bribery. It
was reported he was a busie bodie ; that In- \va^ about the making

7 Sentence definitice.] May 23, 1533. See State Trials, vol. i. p. 360.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 133

and devising, and meant to publish in print, an answer to certaine
articles, put forth by the authority of the king and the counsell ;
wherein he was most guiltless ; and so upon his oath purged him-
self by his letter, sent to Sir Thomas Cromwell, one of the kings
privie counsell.

7. Amongst other quarrels, this was the most grevous and
dangerous that was sought agaynst him, by reason of a nunn
dwelling in Canterbury, for her vertue and holiness not a little
esteemed amongst the people ; unto whom, for that cause, manie
religious persons, doctors of divinitie, and divers others of good
worship and credit used to resort. She affirmed, that she had
revelations from God to give the king warning of his wicked life,
and of the abuse of the sword and authority committed to his
charge by God. And she, understanding my lord of Rochester
John Fisher, her ordinarie, to be a man of virtuous living, and
learned, repaired to him, and disclosed all her revelations, desiring
his advice and counsaile therein. Which the byshopp perceiving
right well might stand with the lawes of Gods holie church, willed
her to repaire to the king herself ; and to lett him understand
the whole circumstances. Whereupon she went to the king, and
told him all the revelations ; and so retourned home againe.
Shortly after she made a voyage to the nuns of Sion 8, by means
of master Reignolds 9, a father of that house ; where talking of
such secrets as had been revealed unto her, she happened to touch
the king's supremacie, and his marriage with Anne Bullen, which
shortlie after followed. This father brought her to Sir Thomas
More, who notwithstanding he might at that time without any
danger of any lawe, freelie and safelie have talked with her ; in all
the communication between them he demeaned himself * so dis-
cretely, that even in the judgement of his enemies, he was sure

3 To the nuns of Sion.'] At Isleworth.

9 Reignolds.'] Richard Reynolds, who was afterwards executed.

1 He demeaned himself.'] Sir Thomas, in a long letter to secretary Cromwell,
gave a full account of the interview which he had with this nun, and of all
that he knew, or had ever heard respecting her. This letter is not printed
with the others in the collection of his Works, though it is contained in the
manuscript from which that edition was published. His judgment there
being unfavourable to the nun, who in the reign of queen Mary was set up
as a prophetess, a sainf, and a martyr, it is very likely that the letter was
omitted by design. It is preserved, however, in Bishop Burnet's History of
the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 257—263. Records. Edit. 1715.

134 SIR THOMAS MORE.

from all blame and sinistre suspition. Yet notwithstanding at
the next Parliament following, there was put into the Lower
House a bill to attaint the said Anne 2, and divers other persons
of high treason ; and the bishopp of Rochester, and Sir Thomas
More, with some others of misprision of treason3. This the Kin^
supposed would of all likelihood cause him to relent and conde-
scend to his request ; but therein he was much deceaved.

Sir Thomas was a suitor to be personallie receaved in his owne
defence, to make answer to the bill. But the king not liking
that, assigned the bishopp of Canterburie 4, the lord chauncellour 5,
the duke of Norfolk, and master Cromwell, at a day and place
appointed to call Sir Thomas before them. At which time
master William Roper, thinking that then he should have good
opportunitie, earnestlie advised him to be discharged out of the
parliament bill. At his coming before them according to their
appointment, they entertained him verie friendlie, willing him to
sit downe with them ; which in no wise he would. Then begann
the lord chauncellour to declare unto him, what benefitts and
honours the king had bestowed upon him, and how he could ask
nothing at his hands, but it was graunted. He hoped by this
declaration of his kindness and affection towards him, to provoke
Sir Thomas to recompense his grace with the like againe, and to
give consent unto those things that have bene enacted by the
authority of the parliament. To this Sir Thomas More mildly
made answer saying, u No man there is my lord, that would With
better will doo the thing that might be acceptable to the kings
highness than I, who must needs confesse his manifolde goodnrs
and bountie most benignlie bestowed upon me. Howbeit. I v» -rilv
hoped I should never have heard of this matter, which now you
have propounded unto me, considering I have from tyme to
tyme, from the beginning, most plainly and truly delivered my
mind unto his grace; which his highness, like a most gratious
prince, ever seemed to take in good gree, promising never t<>
molest me more therein; since which time I could never finde
any thing that might cause me to change my minde ; which it' \

2 The said Anne.] Anne Bullen, A.D. 1336. See State Trials, vol. i. p.
409— .'• i.

3 Misprision of treason.'] See State Trials, vol. i. p. 385 — 408.
1 liishn/ij) of Canterburie ] Cranmer.

4 Lord chauncellour. ~] Sir Thomas Audley, afterwards Lord Audlcv of
Walclen.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 135

could, no man would be more glad of than I." Many more
things were uttered of like sort of both sides ; but in the end,
when they sawe, by no means of persuasion they could bring him
from his former resolution, then they begann to deal with him in
a more rougher sort, telling him that the kings highness had
given them in speciall commandement, that if by no gentleness
they could winn him, then in his name to charge him with his
great ingratitude. " For never was there," said the chauncellour,
" servant to his soveraigne so villanous, nor subject to his prince
so trayterous, as he ; for he had by his subteltie and sleight
conveiance, most unnaturallie caused his majestic to his great
dishonour, to put a sword in his enemie the pope his hands, to
fight against himself, by inducing him to make a book 6 for the
maintenance of the popes authority, and the seven sacraments.1'
With that they laid forth all the terrours they could imagine.
" My lord " (quoth Sir Thomas) " terrours and freights be argu-
ments for children and fooles, and not for men. But to answer
that wherewith you chieflie burden me : — I beleeve the kings
highnes of his honour will never lay it to my chardge, for there
is none that can in that point say more for my excuse than him-
self; who right well knoweth, that I was never procuror nor
counsellor thereunto ; but after the book was finished, by his
graces commandment, I was onlie a sorter out and placer of
principal! matters in the same contained. Wherein when I
found the popes authority highly advanced, and with many good
reasons mightily defended, I said unto his grace, ' I must put
your grace in mind of one thing, and that is this : the pope,
as your grace knoweth, is a great prince, as you are. It may
hereafter so fall out, that your grace and he may varie upon
some points ; whereupon may grow breach of amitie, and warre
between you both. I thinke it therefore best, in my simple judge-
ment, that this place be mended, and his authority more slenderly
touched.1 c Nay,1 (quoth his grace,) ' that shall not be. We
and all Christians are so much bound to the sea of Rome, that
we cannot do it too much honour.1 Then did I put him in
minde of a statute of premunire, made in the time of Richard the
Second, by which a part of the popes pastorall cure here in
England was pared away. To that his highness answered,
' Whatsoever impediment be to the contrarie, we will sett forth,

To make a book.'] See p. 76.

136 SIR THOMAS MORE.

for our parts, his authority to the utmost as it deserved : for
from that sea we first received our faith, and after our imperial!
crown and scepter,1 which till his grace with his owne mouth
told me, I never heard of before ; so that I trust that when his
grace shall call to remembrance my doing in this present behalf,
his grace will never speake more of it, but cleere me throughlie
herein."

And thus displeasantlie for that time they departed, never
moving to him the matter of the nunn, or the bill which was to
be put up against him.

8. Going to his house from the commissioners, he was verie
merrie and pleasant by the way ; whereat master Roper was in
good hopes he had got himself discharged out of the parliament
bill. So walking in his garden master Roper came to him, and
verie desirous to know how he had spedd, said to him, " Sir, I
hope all is well, because you are so merrie." "It is so indeed,
sonne Roper" (quoth Sir Thomas): "I thank God for it."
" Are you then out of the bill " (quoth master Roper) ? " By
my troth sonne, I never remembered it " (said Sir Thomas More).
" Never remembered it " (quoth master Roper) ? " Seeing it is a
thing that toucheth you so neare, and us all, I am verie sorrie
to hear it ; for I verilie thought when I saw you so merrie, that
all had been well." Then said Sir Thomas, " Will you know,
sonne Roper, why I was so merrie ? " " That would I gladly "
(quoth he). " In faith I rejoiced," said Sir Thomas, "that I
have given the devill a foul fall : because I have gone so farr
with these lords, that without great shame I cannot goe back
againe." At which words master Roper was verie sadd ; but at
his request he wrote a letter to master Cromwell, and another to
the king concerning this matter of the nunne, which I will here
set downe.

To Master Thomas Cromwell, one of his Majesties Privie Councill,
Sir Thomas More, knight.

" Right worshipful! ! after heartie commendations. So it is
that I am informed, that there is a bill putt up againste me into
the Higher House before the lords, concerning my communica-
tion with the nunne of Canterburie, and my writing unto her;
whereof I not a little mervaile, the truth of the matter being
such as God and I know, and as I have plainely declared unto

SIR THOMAS MORE. 137

you, by my former letters ; wherein I found you then so good,
that I am now bold, upon the same goodness, to desire you to
shew me the favoure, that I might by your meanes have a copie
of my bill, which seene, if I find anie untrue surmise therein, I
may make my humble suite unto the king's good grace, to declare
the truth either to his grace, or by his graces commandment to
anie whom he shall please : for I am so clear herein, that I
nothing mistrust his grace's favoure towards me, nor the judge-
ment of anie honest man. Never shall there anie losse in this
matter greve me, being myself so innocent, as God and I knowe,
by the grace of Almightie God ; who both bodily and ghostlie
preserve you !

" At Chelsey ann. 1533, March. By the hand of heartilie all
your owne,

" THOMAS MORE, Knight."

A Letter of Sir Thomas More to the King.

" It may like your highness to call to your gratious remem-
brance, at such tyme as of your great and weighty roome of
chauncellourshipp (unto the which, farr above my merites, your
highness of your incomparable goodness, exalted me), you were
so good and gratious unto me, as, at my humble suite, to dis-
burden me, giving me licence, with your gratious favoure, to be-
stow the resideu of my life to come, about the provision of my
soule, in the service of God ; it pleased your highnes further,
that for the service I had done, that in anie suite I should have
hereafter to your grace, that either should concerne mine honour
or appertaine to my profit (for these verie words it liked your
highnes to use to me), I should find your highnes my good and
gratious lord. So it is now, gratious soveraigne, that worldlie
honoure is the thing whereof I have resigned both the posession,
and the desire, in the surrender of your honourable office ; and
as for worldlie profitt, I trust experience proveth, and daylie
more and more shall prove, that I was never verie greedie thereof.
But now is my most humble suite to your excellent highnes, to
beseech it somewhat to tender my poor honestie : howbeit, prin-
cipallie, that of your accustomed goodness, no sinister informa-
tion can otherwise move your noble grace to have anie mistrust
of my troth and devotion towards your majestie, than I have or
shall give just cause, which I hope there is none. For in this

138 SIR THOMAS MORE.

matter of the nunne of Canterburie, I have unto your trustie
counsellour master Thomas Cromwell, by my writing as plainely
declared the truth as possiblie I can ; which my declaration is
made known as I understande to your noble grace. Of all my
dealings with the nunne, whether any other man may peradven-
ture put any doubt or move any scruple of any other meaning
than I had, that can I neither tell, nor lieth in my hand to lett :
but unto myself it is not possible anie part of my demeanour to
seem evill ; the clereness of my conscience testifying, that in that
matter, my mynde, intent, and proceeding, was lawefull and
good. Wherefore most gratious soveraign, I neither will, nor
yet can it well become me with your highness to reason or argue
the matter ; but in most humble manner prostrate at your graces
feet, I beseech your majestie, with your owne highe prudence
and accustomed goodness, consider and weigh the matter. And
if that in your so doing, your owne vertuous mynde shall give
you, that notwithstanding your manifold goodness, that your
highnes hath used towards me, I have most unnaturallie and
ungratefullie digressed from my bounden dutie of allegiance
towards your majestie ; then desire I no further favoure at your
graced hands, than the losse of all I may. Let me loose goods,
lands, libertie, and finallie my life. — Howbeit, if in the consi-
dering my cause, your high wisdome, and gratious goodness shall
perceave, that I have not otherwise demeaned myself, than may
well stand with my bounden dutie and faithfullness towards your
royall majestie ; then in most humble manner I beseech your
noble grace, that the knowledge of your true gratious persuasion
in that behalf, may releeve the torment of my present heaviness
conceaved of the dread and feare (by that I heare of a greevous
bill, put upp by your learned counsell unto your high court of
parliament against me), lest your grace might by some sin
information be moved to thinke the contrarie. Which if ymir
highness doe not (as I trust in God, and your great goodi
the matter by your wisdome well examined, you will not) then in
most humble manner I beseech your highness further, sith your
highnes hath here before of your mere abundant goodn«'--. h« ;i]>» d
on me both worship]) and honourc ; and sith now I have left oil'
all such things, and nothing seeke or desire, but the life to conn-.
ami to pray for your grace the while, that it may like your high-
nes of your accustomed beni<_rnitie somewhat to tender my poor
honestie, and never to suffer any man, by meane of such a bill,

SIR THOMAS MORE. 139

to take occasion against the truth to slander me ; although this
by the perill of their owne soules would doe them more hurt
then me : for I sett my hart to depend upon the comfort of the
truthe, and the hope of heaven, and not upon the failable opinion
of some changeable persons. — And thus most dread and deare
soveraign lord, I beseech the blessed Trinity to preserve your
noble grace, botl\ bodie and soule, and all that are your well
willers, and amend the contrarie ; among whom, if ever I be, or
ever have bene one, then I pray God that he may with my open
shame and destruction declare it ! "

Notwithstanding this letter, and the report made by the chaun-
cellour in the favour of Sir Thomas, the king wras so highlie
offended, that he plainlie told the lords of his counsell, that he
was fullie determined that the foresaid parliament bill should un-
doubtedly proceed against Sir Thomas. To whome they returned
this answer ; " We know for certaine, that the lords of the Upper
House are resolutely bent to heare him make answer in his owne
defence ; so if he be not put out of the bill, it will without fail
be an overthrowe to great matters." Yet needs would the king
have his owne will, and said that at the passing thereof he would
be personally present himself.

Then the lord Audley, seeing him so vehemently sett there-
upon, on his knees most humbly besought his grace to forbeare
this same ; considering that if he should there in his owne pre-
sence, receave any overthrowe, it would not only encourage his
subjects ever after to contemn him, and indare them to attempt
the like or greater matters ; but also throughout all Christen-
dome redound to his dishonour for ever. They added that they
nothing mistrusted but in time to find some other matter against
him, more fit to serve his turn than this ; for in this case of the
nunne all the lords there affirmed he was of all men accounted so
innocent and clere, that he deserved rather praise then reproach.
Whereupon, at length through their earnest persuasions, he was
content to condescend to their petition.

The next day after this, master Cromwell, meeting with mas-
ter William Roper in the parliament house, willed him to tell his
father that he was out of the parliament bill. Whereof when
Sir Thomas was informed, " Well" (quoth he), "quod defertur,
non aufertur, delay is no payment." And indeed so afterwards
he behaved himself, as though he had knowne what afterwards

140 ' SIR THOMAS MORE.

happened. And the better to encourage his wife and children
patiently to accept these expected troubles, and that they might
not be dismaied at the suddenness thereof, he caused a pursui-
vant, unknowne to any of his house, suddenlie at dinner time to
knocke at his doores, willing him in the king's name the next
day to make his appearance before the lords of his councill. This
craft he used once or twice ; and so cunninglie he applied it, that
when it happened indeed, it no more troubled them, than when
it was fained. " Spicula prcevisa minus Icedunt, foreseene harms,
less hurt."

After this, the duke of Norfolke and Sir Thomas chanced to
fall into familiar talke togeather. The duke said unto him, " by
the masse, sir Thomas, it is perilous striving with princes ; and
therefore I would wish you somewhat to encline to the king's
pleasure: for Indignatio principis mors est" (Prov. 6. 16.)
" Well my lord," (quoth Sir Thomas,) " my account is cast : but
is this all ? Then is there no more difference between your grace
and me, but that I shah* dye to day, and you tomorrow ; but what
kinde of death, it skilleth not. My lord I say I feare not to dye,
because I serve a good Maister."

9. Within a month or thereabout, after the making of the
statute for the oath of the supremacie, there was a great appear-
ance of the clergie to have the oath tendered, before certaine
commissioners appointed for that end. No layman was then to
appear, but onlie Sir Thomas, who on Palme Sunday, being at
London to heare the sermon at Pawles Crosse, at master Cle-
ments house, was summoned to appear before the lords at Lam-
beth. Presentlie he returned home ; went to the church ; was
confessed ; spent most part of the night in prayer ; earlie in the
morning was housled7: and for other matters had little care.
When he departed from his house, he kissed his wife and chil-
dren, and bade them farewell ; and desired them to pray for him,
saying " he would doe the like for them." He would not suffer 8
any of them to folio we him out of the gate; pulled the wicket
after himself, and shutt them, and all carnall affection from him ;

7 Housled.'] See p. 35, of this volume.

8 He would not suffer."] " And whereas he evermore used before, at his
departure from his wife and children, whom he tenderly loved, to have them
bringe him to his boate, and there to kisse them all, and bidde them farewell,
then would he suffer none of them forthe of the gate to followe him." — Life
by HarpsEeld. Lambeth MSS. No. 827.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

so tooke him to his boate for Lambeth ; where sitting with a
heavie hart, verie sadd for a while, at last suddenlie he told
master Roper, who accompanied him with fower servants, " I
thanke our Lorde the field is wonne." After that he seemed to
be verie merrie. What he meant by that, master Roper then
wist not ; but it was evident it was no other cause, but that his
love to God wrought so effectuallie in him, that he conquered all
affection of wife and children. When he came to Lambeth,
what there happened none can better tell than himself; which is
this that followeth, all-most worde for worde in a letter he sent 9
to his daughter Margaret.

" When I was before the Lords at Lambeth, I was the first
that was called in, either priest or layman, albeit divers were
come before me. After the cause of my sending declared unto
me, whereof I somewhat mervailed, considering they sent for no
temporall man besides myself, I desired a sight of the oath, which
they shewed me under the great seal. Then I desired a sight of
the act of the succession, which was also delivered me in print :
which I red secret by myself, and the oath considered with the
act. I shewed unto them, ' that my purpose was not to put anie
fault, either in the act, or in anie man that made it ; or in the
oath, or anie man that sweareth to it ; nor to condemn the con-
science of anie other man ; but as for myself, (my conscience so
moving me in the matter) though I would not denie to sweare to
the succession, yet to the other oath I could not sweare, without
the jeoparding of my soule to perpetuall damnation. And that if
they doubted, whether I refused the oath of supremacie onelie for
the grudge of my conscience, or for anie other fantasie, I was
readie herein to satisfie them upon my oath : which if they trusted
not, what should they be better to tender me anie oath ? and if
they trusted, that I would herein sweare true, then trusted I of
their goodness they would not move me to sweare the oath they
offered me, seeing that to sweare to it was against my conscience.''
Unto this my lord chauncellour said 4 that they were verie sorrie
to hear me say thus ; and see me thus to refuse the oath.1 And
they all affirmed, that on their faith and honours, I was the first
man that ever refused it. And this would cause the kings high-
ness conceave great indignation against me. And therewith they
shewed me the roll of the names of the lordes and the commons
that had alreadie sworne and subscribed to it in the parliament
9 A letter he sent.'] See Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1428.

U2 SIR THOMAS MORE.

house. When they sawe that I refused to doe the like, I was in
conclusion commanded to goe downe to the garden : but I tarried
in the old burned chamber, that looketh downe to the garden, and
would not goe down, because of the heat in that time. I sawe
doctour Latimer, with divers other doctours and chaplains of my
lord of Canterburie wayting there. I sawe Latimer verie merrie,
for he laughed and tooke one or twaine about the necke so hand-
somely, that if they had been women I would have weened he had
waxed wanton. After that came maister doctor Wilson forth
from the lords, and was by two gentlemen brought by me ; and
was gentleman-like sent to the Tower. What time my lord of
Rochester was called in before them, that cannot I tell ; but I
heard he was called ; but where he remained that night, and so
to the tyme that hither to the Tower he came, I never heard. I
heard also maister doctour the Vicar of Croydon *, and all the
remnant of the priests of London that were sent for, were sworne.
They had such favoure at the councells hands, that they were not
suffered to dance long attendance to theire great travaile and cost,
as suitors are wont to doe, but were sped apace to theire comforts ;
so farr forth that maister Vickar of Croydon, for gladness, or for
dryness, or ells that it might be sene quod ille notus erat pontifici,
went to my lord's butterie barr, and called for drinke, and dranko
valde familiariter.

" When they had played their pageant, and were all gone, then
was I called in againe : where it was declared unto me, what a
number had sworne, even since I went aside, even gladlie, without
anie sticking at the matter : wherein I laide no blame in any man.
but for my owne part I answered as before. They laide obstinarie
to my charge, because in that I refused to sweare, I would not
declare anie speciall cause 2 of the oath that greeved my con-
science, nor open the cause of my so doing. And thereupon I
said unto them, ' that I feared lest the kings highnes would, as

1 Vicar of Croydon.~\ Rowland Phillipps, whom Wood calls "a famous and
notable preacher, and a forward man in the convocation of the clergy, an.
1523, in acting and speaking much against the payment of a subsidy to the
king." — Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. p. Gl.

2 Speciall caused] See Cranmer's Letters to Cromwell, in Cranmer's Works,
vol. i. p. 101. Jenkyn's edition. See also Sir Thomas More's Works,
p. 1440. " But, Margaret, for what causes I refuse the othe, that thyng (as
I have often tolde you) I will never shew you, neither you nor no body elles,
except the kings highness should like to commaunde me."

SIR THOMAS MORE. 143

they had saide, take displeasure enough towards me, for that I
onlie refused the oathe ; and that if I should open and disclose
the cause, why I refused to be sworne, I should therewith but
further exasperate his highnes ; which I no wise would doe, but
rather would abide all that might hap, than give his grace anie
occasion of further displeasure, than the bare refusing of the oath,
that pure necessity constrayneth me unto.1 They reputed this
for stubbornness and obstinacie, that I would neither sweare the
oath, nor yet declare the causes why I refused it. Bather than I
would be accounted obstinate, I granted them thus much ; that
I would, (upon the kings gratious licence, or rather command-
ment, to be my sufficient warrant, that my declaration should not
offende his highnes, nor put me in danger of anie statute,) be
content in writing to declare the causes ; and over that, to give
an oath, that if I might find those causes in such wise answered
as I might in my owne conscience be satisfied, I would afterwards
sweare the principall oath. To this I was answered, that though
the king would give me licence under his letters patent, yet would
it not serve against the statute. Whereunto I saide that if I
had them, I would stand to the trust of his honour, at my perill
for the remnaunt. ' And my lords ' (quoth I), ' seeing to declare
the causes is so dangerous, then to leave them undeclared is no
obstinacie.' The bishopp of Canterburie, taking hold of that
which I saide, that I condemned not the consciences of them that
swore, said unto me, ; that it well appeared that I tooke it not
for a certaine and sure thinge, that I might not lawefullie sweare
it, but rather as a thinge uncertain and doubtfull. But then
you know ' (saith he) ' for a certainty, and a thinge without
doubt, that you be bound to obey your soveraign lord and king ;
and therefore are you bound to leave off the doubt of your unsure
conscience in refusing the oath, and take a sure way in obeying
your prince and sweare it.1 Now albeit that in mine owne minde
I thought the matter not well concluded, yet this argument upon
the suddaine seemed to me so subtle, especiallie being urged by
the authority of so noble a prelate, that I could not answeare
thereunto, but onlie, ' that I thought that for mine owne part I
might not so doe, because that in my conscience I was fullie per-
suaded, that this was one of the causes in which I was bound that
I should not obey my prince ; sith whatsoever other folk thought
of the matter, whose consciences and learning I would not con-
demn and judge, yet in my conscience, the case seemed to be

144 SIR THOMAS MORE.

plain, and the oath unlawefull. Wherein, I said, I had not
informed my conscience, neither suddenlie nor sleightlie, but by
long leisure and diligent search. And of truth, if that reason
may conclude, then have we a readie way to avoide all perplexities.
For in whatsoever matter the doctours stand in great doubt, the
king's commandment, given upon whether side he list, solveth all
doubts.' Then said my lord of Westminster unto me, 'that
howsoever the matter seemed to mine owne mind, I had good
cause to feare that my minde was eronious, when I see that the
great councell of the realme determined the contrarie ; and there-
fore I ought to change my conscience V To that I answered,
'that if there were no more but myself on my side, and the
whole parliament on the other side, I would be sore afraid to
followe mine owne opinion against so manie : but on the other
side, if it be so, that in some things for which I refuse the oath,
I have as I thinke as great a councell and a greater too, I am not
then bound to chaunge my conscience and to conforme it to the
councell of one realme against a general councell of all Christeii-
dome.' Upon this master Cromwell, my verie good friend, said,
and swore a great oath, ' that he had lever that his owne onlie
sonne had lost his head, then that thus I should have refused the
oath ; for the king's highnes will conceave a great suspicion
against me, and thinke that the matter of the nunne of Cantur-
burie was all contrived by my drift.' To which I saide, 'the
contrarie was true, and that it was well knowne ; but whatsoever
should mishappen, I see it lieth not in my power to remedie it,
without the perill of my soule.'

" Then my lord chauncellour repeated to master secretarie.
because he was to go to the king's grace, to enforme his Inclines
of my proceedings, and in repeating thereof, his lordship said.-.
'Master secretarie, remember that he is content to swear
the succession.' Whereunto I saide, ' As for that point I would
be content, so I might see my oath in that point so framed a>
illicit stand also with my conscience.' Then saide my lord
againe, 'Aye marrie master secretarie, mark that too; that he
will not sweare that neither, but under some certaine manner."
'Verily no, my lord" (<|iioth I), 'but T will sec it made in such
Rise, a* 1 -hall sec. that I neither he forcswornc. nor BWi
my conscience; and so to sweare to the succe»i<m I

* Change my conscience.'] See Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 417 — Oil.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 145

no great perill : for I thinke it reason, that I looke well to my
oath, and be of councell in framing thereof; for I intend not to
sweare to a piece, and set my hand to the whole oath. Howbeit
(as God help me) I never withdrew anie man from it, or advised
anie to refuse it ; but leave everie man to his owne conscience :
and methinks in good faith, it were great reason that everie man
should leave me to mine.1 "

So when they could get no other answere of him, he was com-
mitted to the custodie of the abbott of Westminster *, being then
Munday the fifteenth of April A. D. 1534. Regni Hen. VIII. 28.

10. Sir Thomas remained in durance with the lord abbott of
Westminster 4 by the space of fower days, during which time the
king consulted with his councell, what order were best to be taken
with him ; and albeit they were in the beginning 5 resolved to dis-
charge him upon some lawefull oath, one or other, but they would
not have it knowne, whether it were the oath of supremacie or no.
This had passed, had not queen Anne, with her importunate cla-
mours, so sore exasperated the king against him, that contrarie
to his former resolution, he caused the oath of the supremacie to
be ministered unto him. Whereunto though his answere was
verie discreet and moderate, he was nevertheless committed to
the Tower on friday the seventeenth of April.

Sir Richard Cromwell 6 had the conveiance of him thitherward.
Sir Richard advised him to send home his chaine of gold that he
wore about his necke to his wife, or to some child or friend of his.
" Nay Sir" (quoth he) " that I will not ; for if I were taken in
the field with mine enemies, as I am a knight, I would they should
fare somewhat the better for me. At his landing, master lieu-
tenant of the Tower was readie at the Tower gate to receive him ;
who conveyed him to his lodging, where he was allowed to have
one of his owne servants to waite upon him, his name was John
a Wood ; he could neither write nor read ; he was sworne if he

4 Abbott of Westminster.] William Boston, or Benson, who had been pre-
viously abbot of Burton-upon-Trent.

5 They were in the beginning.'] Cranmer interposed in the behalf of Sir
Thomas More and Bishop Fisher, by a humane, temperate, and politic letter,
addressed to secretary Cromwell. See Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 28.

fi Sir Richard Cromivell.] So also says Roper, p. 82, Lewis's edit. But
Harpsfield attributes this to Sir Richard Southwell; which I apprehend is
the true reading. In the Life by his great grandson More, the name is
Winkefield, p. 225. edit. 1726.

VOL. II. L

146 SIR THOMAS MORE.

should see or hear any thing spoken or written against the king,
the councell, or the state of the realrae, he should incontinentlie
reveal it to the lieutenant.

Not long after his coming into the Tower, he wrote certaine
letters to his daughter Margaret, whereof this is one 7.

A Letter of Sir Thomas More to his Daughter Margaret Roper.

" My owne good daughter, our Lord be thanked I am in good
health of bodie, and good quiet of minde ; and of worldlie things
I no more desire than I have. I beseech him make you all merrie
in the hope of heaven. And such things as I somewhat longed to
speak unto you, concerning the world to come, our Lord put them
in your mind, as I trust he doth, and the better by his holie
Spirit, who bless you, and preserve you ah" !

" Written with a cole by your tender loveing father, who in his
poore praiers forgetteth none of you all, nor your babes, nor your
nurses, nor your good husbands, nor your good husbands shrewd
wives, nor your father's shrewd wife neither, nor our other friends.
And thus fare you heartily well, for lacke of paper.

" THOMAS MORE, knight."

" Postscript. Our Lord keep me continuallie faithfull and
plaine, to the contrarie whereof I beseech him hartely never to
suffer me to live. For as for long liffe (as I have often told thee
Megg) I neither look for, nor long for, but am well content, if
God call me hence, to go tomorrow. And I thanke our Lord I
know no person living that I would had one phillipp for my sake,
of which mind I am more glade then all the world besides. Re-
commend me to your shrewd Will, and other friends ; and to
John Harries my friend ; and yourself knoweth to whom else :
and to my shrewd wife above all. And God preserve you all, and
make and keep you his servants all ! farewell.11

Within a while, after Sir Thomas had been in prison a month's
space, or thereabouts, his daughter Margaret longing to see him.
wittiely invented this craft. She wrote a letter and sent it to JUT
father, wherein she seemed to labour to persuade him to take the
oath. She nothing doubted but that the letter would be inter-

7 This is one.] Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1430.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 147

cepted ; but this she did to winne thereby credit with master
Cromwell, so to get libertie to have free access to her father ;
which by this sleight she obtained. Others say it was seriouslie
written ; and so her father tooke it, and thereon did write to her
againe 8 accordingly.

1 1 . Mistress Margaret Roper having leave to goo to her father,
often resorted unto him. His custoine was before he would talke
with her, usuallie to say the Seven psalmes, and the Litanies : he
begann and she answered on her knees. At her first coming, it
seemed she laboured to persuade with him, that he should not
refuse to take the oath, seeing that both wise and learned had
subscribed thereunto. To whome Sir Thomas answered, " What
mistress Eve, hath the serpent sett you a worke to tempt your
father ? What daughter, doe you love me so well, that by
swearing against my conscience you would send me quicke to the
Devill ? I have answered you often, that if I might in this matter
content the king^s highnes, and not offend God, there is no man
that would more gladly take this oath than I. But since I cannot,
I must give God thanks for this tribulation, and desire of him to
give me patience and strength to endure for his holy name what-
soever in this matter may happen unto me. For Megg, the worst
and uttermost that possiblie may befall me, long 'ere this is not
unconsidered. And albeit I knowe my owne frailtie full well,
and the naturall faintness of my hart, yet if I had not trusted
that God will give me grace to endure all things, thou mayest be
sure I had not come hither ." "Father" (quoth she), " I will not
dispute with you in this matter ; for it little beseemeth me : for
both your learning and conscience is such, that I can neither add
to the one, nor may presume to informe the other. Yet I can
assure you this much, your conscience in this point is accounted
by men of great skill, and reckoning, for a mere scruple. For
both wise and learned, and all the nobles and peers of the realme
stick not at this matter ; onlie yourself and bishopp Fisher 9

3 Did write to her againe. ~\ Works of Sir Thomas More, p. 1431.

9 Onlie yourself and bishopp Fisher J] "As touching the bishop of Rochester
and Thomas Moore, whom the kynges majestic caused to be beheaded, if
I should say they were not learned, I should repugne the veritie ; butt in
very dede their learnyng was much more grounded on the Thomisticall,
Aristoticall, and Scholasticall philosophy, then in the gospel of Christ, as
hereafter you shall perceyve. For when the kynges hignes was fully per-
swaded to understand the popes usurped power not by these my rehersed
authorities, butt by more profes then a whole Byble would conteyne, and by

L 2

148 SIR THOMAS MORE.

stand out ; and I am persuaded good father, that they that
love you best, will not give you counsaile to leane to one man

the consent of the greatest learned mens opinions of all the universities of
Christendome, as there be dyvers alyve in Paris, Pavia, Padua, Bolo^nia, and
elswhere can testifie, whose counsell his majestic examined or ever he would
attempt the annulling and extyrping thereof: his hignes then, I say, called his
generall parliament, without which he determined no greate matters. And
the parliament, to lett you wete, is divided into two counsayles ; the one of
the nobilitie and prelates, and the other of the comons of the realme ; that is
to say two of the wysest men of every citie, of every greate borough, and of
every provynce of his dominions. Now among those counsels the popish
matter was proponed, and there was pro et contra held and kept more than a
whole yere longe. For in the parliament the law permitteth all men without
daunger to speake as well agaynst as with the kynge : so that the old super-
sticion havyng more authoritie in the obstacle hertes, than the present veritie,
wold not geve place to the kynges purpose, untyll by open preachyng
throughout the realme, the blynde people began so manifest to se, that many
of them, who before most earnestly favoured the pope, became then his
greatest enemyes : whereof there followed a statute made by the same par-
liament, that no man under payne of death should call the pope other then
the byshop of Rome, nor in any wyse mayntayne his quarrell. And thus
ceased the pope's revenue of Peter pence, of jubileis, of indulgencies, and par-
dons of dispensacions, and such other baggage as before tyme avayled the popes
purpose better than an hundred thousand ducates a yere out of England. —
You must now nevertheles understand that though this acte passed so in
parliament, yett all the parties of the same consented not unto it : for the
judgment in the parliament house is gyven by divydyng all the persons, all
that say * yea ' on the one syde of the house, and all that say ' nay ' on the
other syde, and the most nombre do alwayes attayne the sentence. And so to
the purpose. The bishop of Rochester and Moore amonge the rest held
agaynst the regalyne parte, accordyng to their conscience (as I suppose) : for
when they saw the contrary to have place, then hanged they downe the head
and murmured agaynst the kynge, provokyng his displeasure otherwise then
it became true subjectes to do. And his majestic thinkyng nevertheles by
reason and fayre meanes wyth tyme to perswade them, supported their
ranee more than nine monthes. But when their predestinate mischief would
not suffer his benignitie to overcome their hardened hertes, and that the
kynge att lengthe perceyved their invincible obstinacie, to have a begynnyng
of operacion j — for the cardinal's hatt was allready upon the way com:
toward the same bishop of Rochester, not onely as a worthy rewanle of his
merite, butt also for a bwkler under the which the popi- thought TO handle
his cruell sworde; his highncs, I say, fearyng the example of his p;
Kynge John, or ever they hud arryvi <1, .shaved the bishops crowne by the
shoulders, to see aftrrwsird where the pope would bestow his cardinalls
and served Moore of the same sauce, after he had kept them both four monthes
in prison, and used all the meanes possible to dissuade tliL-m from their
errour." — William Thomas's Defence of K. Henry 1'IIL n'o/X.«. p. 44 — 7.

SIR THOMAS MORE.

against all other." " I suppose" (quoth Sir Thomas) " that
manie both spirituall and temporall thinke my conscience scru-
pulous, and yet I doo not thinke that every man so thinketh that
so speaketh. And though they did, it should not much move
me ; no though my lord of Rochester would also sweare. For
albeit, Megg, I have him in that reverent estimation, that I
reckon no man in this realme for wisdome, learning, and vertue
meet to be compared to him ; verilie daughter, I never intended
to pinne my soule to another man's sleeve, not even the best man
that I know this day living ; for they may for favoure, feare, or
other respect goe awrie. For like as if my owne conscience
served me, I would not lett to sweare though others refused ; so
now though others refuse it not, my conscience giving me against
it, I dare not doe it. And if I were not so perfectlie resolved in
this, I should have cause to feare to leave so manie learned and
wise as I doe ; but I have not lightlie nor slenderlie, as you
know, studied for this matter." " But father" (quoth she)
" they say you may well feare lest you be deceaved in this point,
for they may see as much or more in the matter than yourself,
and have as great a care not to forsweare as others have. So
you ought to conform your conscience to theirs, especiallie you
taking them for such men as they be : and sith (say they) there
is a law by the parliament made commanding so to doe, you are
bound to change your conscience." " Marrie daughter, (quoth
he) for the part you play, you play it not amiss : but Margaret,
first for that la we of the land, though everie man being borne and
inhabiting therein, is bound to keep it in everie case upon some
temporall paine, and in many cases also upon paine of Gods dis-
pleasure, yet there is no man bound to sweare that everie lawe is
well made, nor bound in conscience to perform what he thinketh
is unjustlie enacted. Now if such a lawe be made, though some
be content to allow it, yet he that thinketh it unlawefull may not
sweare it. Well, daughter Margaret, for what cause I refuse the
oath, I will never shew it to anie man, except the king's highnes
will command me : but surelie I refuse it for more causes then
one ; and such they be as yet never they could be satisfied ; and
I am sure some of the best learned have affirmed so much, though
since I heare, they have sworne to the contrarie : and I know
that then they spake as they thought, and laboured then to knowe
the truth, as much as could be possible ; but how since they be
chaunged I knowe not. I misjudge noe man." " That might

150 SIR THOMAS MORE.

be father" (quoth she) : "for since they might see more in the
matter then before."" " Well" (quoth he), " I will not dispute
that; but this I wote well, I never heard the cause of their
chaunge to be anie new thinge, that they had not before well
weighed. So to me all things seem as before they did ; if to
them otherwise, I am the glader for their sakes. But this know ;
let them thinke, and all others in England as they will, yet have
I more on my side then them all, that thinke as I thinke. 1
meane of men of former ages, and now in other parts of Christen-
dome ; and daughter, of this I am assured, that the doctours and
fathers of God's church, whose bookes are now extant, were of
the same minde that now I am. Yet I shewe thee not all that I
have for myself in the discharge of my conscience. And for con-
clusion, I take not upon me to define or dispute of this matter ;
neither have I written or spoken of things passed in the parlia-
ment ; nor judged anie man's conscience for holding contrarie to
me ; but for mine owne self, I tell thee Megg, for thy comfort,
that my conscience in this matter is such, as may well stand with
my owne salvation ; and hereof I am as sure, as God is in heaven :
and if happilie it fortune me to loose my heade for this, I may
have wronge, but no harme."

With that speeche mistress Roper sat musing, and seemed verie
sadd. " What " (quoth he), " where are you ? What mother
Eve, are you musing with the serpent in your brest, uppon some
new persuasion, once more to offer the apple to father A dame 2"
With that quoth she, " Father, I can no further goe. I am come,
as Chaucer10 said of Oressed to Dulcarnon, 'to my witts eixls f
and I see not what can be saide more, unless I should give a
woman's reason, ' You need not refuse to sweare ; I have sworne
myself1/ as master H. Patterson said to me of you, when I met
him t'other day." At this Sir Thomas laughed. u Hut father"
(quoth she), " I feare me this will bring greater troubles to you ;
for you know what master secretarie sent word, that tin- parlia-
ment was not yet done."" " Well" (quoth he) "Megg, I have
not left these events unthought on; and if they should make a
lawe to doe me harme, by the grace of God, they >hall <l<»e me no
hurt: and this is a riddle. A man may l<»e his head, as 1 have

10 Chaucer."] Troilus and Cressida.

1 / have SWOT ne my self."] She took the oath, with this condition am,
"so far as it was agreeahle with the law of (»od." — Compare Str\
siast. Memorials, vol. i. p. 195. Patterson was Sir Thomas's f"<»l. S

SIR THOMAS MORE. 151

often told thee, and yet be never a whit the worse. But I hope
God will not permit them to do anie thing otherwise to me, then
I deserve. But (saith he) there is nothing impossible to happen.
I made my account before I fell to build this castle : and in
devising thereon, I spent manie a restless night, with a heavie
hart, while my wife slept, and thought I had slept too." " But
father" (quoth she), " it is another matter to thinke on a thing
that may be, and to see a thing that is, or infalliblie shall be.
For then peradventure, you would thinke otherwise then now
you doe ; and then peradventure, it will be too late to chaunge.
Therefore it were good, if ever you should chaunge, that now you
would chaunge." " Well fare thee daughter, that thou saiest it
will be perchance too late. Too late may it be, that ever I should
so chaunge ! For I wote well, that the chaunge which growes
by feare onelie, cannot be good for my soule ; and therefore I
pray that chaunge may never be. And if so it were, that I wist
well now that I should faint, and for feare sweare, yet would I
wish to take harm by refusing first, for so should I have greater
cause by the grace of God to rise againe. And albeit my lewd-
ness, I wote well, hath been such, that I know myself well worthie
that God should let me slipp, yet can I not but trust in his mer-
cifull goodness, that as his grace has strengthened me hytherto,
and made me content to be readie to lose goods, lands, and life,
rather than offend him by swearing against my conscience, I
cannot mistrust the goodnes of God, but that he will tourne the
heart of the king, (in whose hands it is) to be gratious unto me :
or ells, if it be his pleasure, that for my other sinnes I should
suffer trouble in this cause ; or that I do not deserve his holie
grace, I hope he will give me strength to beare it patientlie, and
peradventure gladlie ; and that it may be in liewe of the paine
that I should otherwise suffer in purgatorie, or over that, for
increase of some rewarde in heaven. Megg, Megg, I serve so
good a Lord, I will never mistrust ; and this I know well, without
my owne fault, he will never let me be lost ; and therefore I
commit me wholie to him. So my good daughter, trouble not
thy minde with anie thing that shall happen to me in this worlde :
for nothing can happen but what God will ; and I assure my selfe
the worst in the sight of the worlde will be my best. And so my
good child, be merrie, and rejoice in our Lord, and commend me
to all our friends and kinsfolks, and tell them from me, that I
account this my imprisonment, as one of the greatest benefits,

152 SIR THOMAS MORE.

that ever I receaved at the king^s hands." And thus they
departed for that tyme. At their departure he gave her a letter
to all his friends. The copie is this.

" To all my loving Friends.

" Forasmuch as, being in prison, I cannot tell what need I
may have, or what necessity I may hap to stand in, I heartilie
beseech you all, that if my well beloved daughter Margaret Roper
(which onelie of all my friends hath, by the king's gratious
favoure, license to come to me) doe anie thing desire of anie of
you, of such things as I hap to need, that it may like you to
regard and tender it, no less then if I moved it to you, and
required it of your person myselfe. I beseech you all to pray
for me, and I shall pray for you. Your faithfull lover, and poore
beedsman,

" THOMAS MORE, knight, prisoner."

12. After this, Sir Thomas was not so restrained, but that his
daughter, wife, and some other friends with licence, might repaire
unto him. But a little before the enacting of the forethreatend
lawe, he was sodenlie shut up, the rather to incline him to the
king^s pleasure ; or that they intended to deale with him most
sharply. So there besides the old disease of his breast, he was
greeved in his raynes, by reason of the gravell and the stone,
with the crampe, and diuers other maladies ; all which he did
moderate and temperate, with patience, spirituall consolation,
and comfort to heaven- ward. And for all his griefs, and pains,
and hard usages he never showed anie token of sorrow or lament-
ing, but alwaies a sweet and quiet minde fixedlie seated in the
uprightness of his cause, and kept his old merrie talke whenso-
ever occasion served. Presentlie after the making of the saide
statute, wherein the king was recognised as supreme head of tin-
church of England under God; and that whatsoever should speak e
againste his saide supremacie, should be taken as a traitor, and
suffer as in case of high treason ; then master Cromwell, secre-
tarie, the king's solicitor2, and divers others resorted unto him ;
and faine would wring somewhat out of his owne mouth, that
would make against him.

What particular speech passed between them I will relat< out

2 King's solicitor.'] Sir Richard Rich, afterwards Lord Rich and Chancellor.

SIR THOMAS MORE. ] 53

of his letter written to his daughter Margaret. Anno 1535. May
the third.

" Our Lord bless you.

" My dearlie beloved daughter, I doubt not but by reason of
the kings councellors resorting hither in this tyme, in which the
fathers of the Charter House, and some others be judged to
death for treason, may hap to put you in some feare, especiallie
for that it is not unlikely, but that you have heard, that I also
was brought before them ; I thought necessarie to advertise you,
to the end that you should not conceave more hope than the
matter giveth, or more griefe than the present occasion minis-
tereth. Therefore shall you understand, that on Fridaie last,
the thirtieth of April, in the afternoon, master lieutenant
shewed me that master secretarie would speake with me. Where-
upon I went out with him into the gallery ; where his master-
shipp sat with master attourney 3 and master solicitour, with
divers others, I was offered to sitt downe with them, but in no
wise would.

" Master secretarie told me ' that he nothing doubted but that
I had seen the new statutes made the last sitting of the parlia-
ment F I answered, ' Yea verilie ; howbeit for as much as I
being heere, and not minding to meddle with these matters any
more, I thought it little nede for me to bestowe much tyme
upon them.' He asked me, ' whether I had red the first statute
of the king's being heade of the churche.' I answered ' Yea.'
Then his mastershipp declared unto me, c that sith it was now by
act of parliament ordained, that his highnes and his heirs, is, and
was, and perpetuallie should be supreame head in earth of the
church of England immediatelie under Christ ; the king's pleasure
was, that those here of his councell assembled should demaund
my opinion therein.' Whereunto I answered, ' that in good faith
I had well trusted that his highnes would never have commanded
anie such question to be asked of me : considering that I ever
from the beginning well and truelie declared my minde to his
majestie, and also unto your mastership, both by mouth and
writing ; and now I have discharged my minde from all such
matters, meaning not hereafter to dispute kings' or popes' titles.
I am the king's faithful subject, and will be ; and day lie pray for

3 Master attourney, .] Maring.

154 SIR THOMAS MORE.

him, and all his realme ; and otherwise than this I intend not
to meddle.1 Whereunto master secretarie answered, 4 that he
thought that this manner of answere would not satisfie the king^s
highness ; for that his grace expected a more full answere, and
that to the purpose.1 And he added, 4 that the king was a prince
not of rigour, but of mercie and pitie ; and though he had found
obstinacie in anie of his subjects at some time, yet if they sub-
mitted themselves, his grace would shewe mercie. And for you
master More, I knowe so much, that his grace would be glad to
see you take such conformable waies, that you might be abroad
againe, with as great credit and worship as ever you were.'
Whereunto I answered, ' I would not meddle in the worlde againe,
to have all the worlde given me,1 as in effect I answered before.

" Then was I commanded to goe forth awhile ; and presently
called in againe. Then said master secretarie unto me, l Though
you are a prisoner condemned to perpetuall imprisonment, yet
thereby I was not discharged of my alleageance to his high;
Whereupon he demanded 'whether I thought his Inclines might
not exact a direct answere from me, of such things as might be
demanded, as of anie other.1 I answered, that I thought his
highnes might. ' Then,1 said he, ' that like as his hiirhnes would
be gratious to them that he found conformable, so his grace fullie
determined to followe the course of the lawe, towards such as
shall show themselves wilfull and obstinate ; and your demeanour
in this matter, master More, hath made manie so stiffe therein as
they be.1 Whereunto I answered, ' that I gave no man occa-
sion neither by worde nor writing to hold on the one side, or the
other. And for conclusion, I would goo no further, whatsoever
paine should me befall. For I am the kings true faithful! sul
and bedesman. I doo noe bodie anie harme ; I say no hanm- ;
I think noe harme. I wish everie bodic well ; I pray for them ;
and if this be not enough to keej> me alive, in good faith. I d
not to live. I am at the kin^s pleasure. I would to God my
death would doe him good.1 ' \\Y11 master More,1 quoth ma>i« r
secretarie, 'report shall be made to his highnes; and his oratious
pleasure knowne you shall heare further/ So he hade me fare-
well. And so to my chamber by master lieutenant 1 was brought
againe.11

Not IOIILI; after this, there came againe certaine other of the
privie councell, and bcgann afresh to pres>e him to some plain*'

SIR THOMAS MORE. 155

and determinate answere, touching his opinion of the lawefullness
or unlawefullness of the foresaide statute ; and the matter is
penned by himself. His words shal shewe his minde, as he sett
it downe in a letter to his daughter mistress Roper. Anno
1535.

" Our Lord bless you, and all your's.

" Forasmuch (dearelie beloved daughter) as it is likely you
have hearde that the councell was here with me, I thinke it
necessarie to send you worde, how the matter standeth. And to
be short, I see little difference betwixt this time and the last ;
for as farr as I can see, the whole purpose is either to drive me
to say preciselie the one waie, or the other. Here sat my lord
of Canterburie, my lord chauncellour, my lord of Suffolk, my lord
of Wilshire, and master secretarie. At my coming master
secretarie made rehearsal in what wise he had reported to the
king's majestie concerning my last days answere, at my being
before him. Then he added, the kings highnes was nothing
content by my answere, but thought I had been by my demeanour
occasion of much grudge and harme in this realme ; and that I
had an obstinate and evill will towards him ; and that it was my
dewtie to make a plaine and determinate answere, whether I
thought the statute lawefull or no. And that his majestie had
sent them in his name to commande me upon my alleageance
to give direct answere yea or noe ; and that I should say his
highnes is supreame head of the church of England, or else utter
plainlie my malignity. Whereunto I answered, ' that I had no
malignity, and therefore none could utter ; and as for the matter
I will give no other answere, than I had before made ; and verie
sorrie I am that his highnes should have any such opinion of me.
For I am verie sure that I have no such corrupt affection ; but
have faithfullie observed his vertuous lesson; viz. first to looJce to
God, and then to his highnes.'' Then said my lord chauncellour
' that the king might by his lawes compell me to make a plaine
answeare.1 ' I will not dispute the king's authority in this case ;
but, I said, that under correction it seemed to me somewhat
harde. For if it were so, that my conscience gave me against
the statute ; (wherein how my conscience giveth me I make no
declaration,) then I nothing doing, nor nothing sayinge againste
the statute, it were a hard thing to compell me to say precisely

156 SIR THOMAS MORE.

with it against my conscience to the losse of my soule, or pre-
ciselie against it to the destruction of my bodie.'

" To this master secretarie said, ' that I had, when I was
chauncellour, examined hereticks, theeves, and other malefactors,
and that I used (at least the bishopps doe), to examine hereticks
whether the pope be head of the church ; and used to compell
them to make a precise answere thereunto. And why should
not the king compell his subjects to make a precise answere to
his own la we, as he did concerning the pope?1 I answered, 'I
intend not to defend my part ; yet there is a great difference
between these two cases ; because at that time, as well here as
ellswhere, the pope's authority was recognised for an undoubted
truth ; yet this matter, though here in England it was agreed
upon, yet in other places of the worlde the contrarie was taken
for truth.' Master secretarie answered ' that they were as well
burned for the denying of that, as now beheaded for denying of
this ; and therefore as good reason to compell them to answere
directlie, as well to the one, as to the other.1 I answered, ' the
lawe of one particular place, or a locall lawe, cannot prejudice the
lawe of the whole corps of Christendome. So the reasonableness
or unreasonableness in binding a man to make a precise ansv
standeth not in respect of difference between heading and hanging,
but by reason of the difference in chardge of soule ; so the dif-
ference standeth between heaven and hell.' ' Well master More'
(quoth one of them), ' you will be content to be sworne, to make
true answere to such things as shall be asked of you, on the
king's behalfe, concerning his owne royall person?' I answered,
4 1 never purposed to take anie oath more while I lived.' Then
they said, ' I was verie obstinate, if I refused that which everie
man in the Starr Chamber and ellswhere doth.' I said, 'it \\a*
true, taking it as the lawe doth understand it, to answere to
such matters as they know or guess why they are there present.
And I said, I had not so little foresight but that I might conjec-
ture, what should be part of my interrogatories, and as good it
was at the first to refuse them, as afterwards.' Whereunto my
lord chauncellour answered, ' that though I could guess tnidiV.
yet I should see them: and so they were shewed me. and they
were but twaine. The first whether I had seen the statute? the
second, whether I believed it to be a lawefull statute or no? So I
refused the oath, and would make no other an>w.-re l>ut this:

SIR THOMAS MORE. 157

' If this that I have (confessed) will not suffice, I have no meane
to help me, but to comfort myself with the hope of a joyfull day
to come, wherein it shall plainelie appear, that I am the king's
true and loving subject : and so God's holie will be done, come
life, come death P 'Nay' (quoth they), 'if you are so resolute
that you had as leave be out of the world as in it, as you make
shew, why do you not then speake plainlie against the statute ? so
it well appeareth that you are not so well content to die, as you
beare the worlde in hand.' ' The truth is, I have not been a
man of so holie life, as I might be bold to offer myself to death,
lest God for my presumption, might suffer me to fall ; and there-
fore I put not myself forward, but draw backwarde ; howbeit if
God shall please to call me to it, then trust I in his mercie, he
will give me grace and strength to goe through.' Then said
master secretarie, ' he was verie sorrie for me : and said he liked
me worse then the last day, for he thought I meant not well.'
Well, God and I knowe that I mean well, and truelie, and so I
pray God doe by me ! — Be you, and other my good friends of
good cheer, whatsoever shall befall me ; and take no thought for
me, but pray for me, I will not fail to pray for you, and all them.
Fare you well.

" Your tender loving father,

" THOMAS MORE, knight."
"MenseMaii, A.D. 1535."

13. Sir Thomas, in these his severall examinations, so wiselie
demeaned himself with meeting the craftie drifts of his adver-
saries, that they could not entrap him in anie thing ; and to the
malignity of the time, so that he incurred not the penaltie of any
statute just or unjust : for he had neither spoken nor done any
thing to his prejudice. And this he did doe, that he might
reserve the integritie of a good conscience ; nor yet farther exas-
perate the king's displeasure against him. So reverence to his
prince, and feare to God, managed his actions.

Not long after this, certaine religious men of the order of
Saint Bruno, with some other 4, were condemned of treason, for
denying the king's supremacie ; and in the moneth of May and
June were hanged and quartered. Sir Thomas looking out of

4 Order of Saint Bruno, with some other. ,] John Houghton, prior of the
Charterhouse, near London; Augustin Webster, prior of Axeholme; Robert
Laurence, prior of Bevoll ; Richard Reynolds, a monk of Sion, John Hall,
a secular priest, vicar of Isleworth, &c.

158 SIR THOMAS MORE.

the windowe, chanced to see some of these Carthusians goe
towarde their execution. Longing to accompanie them in their
journey, he said to his daughter then standing by him, " Loe
dost thou not see Megg, that these blessed fathers be now as
cheerfullie going to their death, as bridegrooms to their marriage.
Wherefore hereby (then said he) see, my owne good daughter,
what a difference there is between such as have in effect spent all
their days religiouslie, in a penetentiall and spirituall life, and
such as have lived in the worlde, like worldlie wretches, as thy
poore father hath done, and consumed all their time licentiouslie
in pleasure and ease : for God considering their former life pain-
fullie spent in his holie service, will no longer suffer them to
remain here in this vale of miserie and teares; but speedilie
taketh them hence to his fruition of his everlasting deitie.
Whereas thy silly father, Megg, that like a wretched caitiff hath
passed forth the whole course of his life sinfullie, as not wortliie
to come to that eternall blisse, is still left in the world, to be
further plunged in his miseries. But God's holie will be done ! "
So Sir Thomas being the self same for all these terrible exam-
ples, it was thought not the worst to change their manner of
proceeding with him, and an other while to trie, if by faire
meanes he would relent. So master secretarie came to him, not
long before his arraignment, from the king's highnes, and pre-
tended great friendshipp towards him ; and for his comfort, told
him that his majestie was his good and gratious lord, and that it
was not his pleasure from henceforth to trouble him with anie
matter that should be anie manner scruple to his conscience.
Sir Thomas easilie perceived the drift of the devill, and gave
master secretarie as faire speeches as he brought. And present lie
after his departure, to express the comfort he received of this
court holy-water, he wrote these verses following with a cole, for
inke had he none. Intituled,

A BALLAD.

LEWIS THE LOST LOVER.

" Fye ! flattering fortune, looke thou never so faire.

Or never so pleasant begine to smile,
As though thou wouldest my ruines all repaire,

During my life thou shalt not me beguile.
'I 'rust shall I God to enter in a while

His haven of heaven, sure and uniforme ;
Ever after thy calme, looke I for a stor:

SIR THOMAS MORE. 159

DAVY THE DICER.

" Long was I Lady Lucre, your serving man,

And now have I lost againe all that I got :
Wherefore when I thinke of you now and then,

And in my minde remember this and that,
You may not blame though I beshrew your catt ;

But in faith I bless you againe a thousand times
For lending me now some leisure to make these rhimes."

Sir Thomas spent his time in prayer and meditations: in
making and reading good books ; the rest in singing of psalms
and hymns ; and now and then in making of verses. " sRgun
animo quis est ? psallat. Who is of a quiet mind let him sing."
(James 5. 13.)

14. Sir Thomas, as we have showed, so behaving himself that
they could not with any outward honest appearance bring him
in danger of his life, one Rich, then newlie made the kings soli-
citour, afterwarde lord Rich 5, (it was not known whither it were of
sett purpose, or ells he did it of his owne heade, to advance his
estimation with the king,) wilfullie sought the destruction of this
man ; and laid openlie to his chardge that he had spoken trai-
terous words in the derogation of the kings supremacie. And it
was uppon this pretence, Mr. Rich, solicitour, Sir Richard South-
well, and master Palmer came togeather to Sir Thomas. Master
Rich pretended friendlie talke with him; the other two were
busie in trussing up his bookes, for, for that end they came
thither. Amongst some speeches between them two, the soli-
citour said thus. " Forasmuch as it is well knowne master
More, that you are a man both wise and learned, as well in the
lawes as otherwise, I pray you therefore let me be so bould as in
good will to put unto you this case. Admitt there were an act
of parliament, that all the realme should take me for king, would
not you (quoth he) take me for king ?" " Yes" (quoth Sir
Thomas), " that I would." " Put case farther" (quoth master
Rich,) " that there were an act of parliament, that all the realme
should take me for pope, would not you also take me for pope 2"
Sir Thomas answered ; " Well may the parliament, Master Rich,
medle with the state of temporall princes, but to your last case,
for answere, I put you this case. Suppose the parliament should

3 Lord Rich.] Seep. 152.

160 SIR THOMAS MORE.

make a lawe that God should not be God, would then you master
Rich, say that God were not God ?" " No Sir" (quoth he), "that
I would not ; sith no parliament can make anie such lawe." " No
more can the parliament" (said Sir Thomas, as master Rich
reported, and afterwards deposed, but how true God knowctli)
" make you king, and constitute you supreame head of the
church of God." Upon this bare reporte was Sir Thomas
indited of treason 6, upon the statute 7 whereby it was enacted
and made treason to denie the king to be supreame head of the
church.

So Sir Thomas, about a week or thereabouts after the death
of bishopp Fisher of blessed memorie, the first of Julie was
brought to Westminster Hall to be arraigned at the Kings
Bench before certaine commissioners appointed for that end.
After that his enditement 8 was red, which was long, and con-
tained manie heynous words, as that maliciously, traiterouslie,
against the crown and regall dignitie of his sacred majestic, $c. ,-
the lord chauncellour and the duke of Norfolk said unto him,
" Sir Thomas More, you see that you have heynouslie offended
the kings majestie : howbeit, we are in verie good hope,
such is his bountie and clemencie, that if you will revolt, and
reforme your wilfull and obstinate opinion, that you have so
wrongfullie maintained, you shall taste of his gratious pardon."
" My lords" (quoth Sir Thomas), "I do most humblie thanke

fi Of treason.'] See Howell's State Trials, vol. i. p. 385—96.

~ Upon the statute.'] "The late-mentioned statute" (26 Hen. VIII. cap. i.
for establishment of the king's supremcy), "having no penalty annexed, was
insufficient to affect the life of Sir Thomas More. For this reason another
act was passed in the same session, by which it was made high treason
(26 Henry VIII. cap. 13) for 'any person maliciously to wish, will, or desire
by words or writing, to deprive the king's most royal person, the queen, or
her heirs apparent, or any of them, of their dignity, title, and name,' &c.
And thus, upon \V. Rich's evidence, that Sir Thomas More should say, 'the
parliament could not make the king supreme head of the church,' he was
declared to be within the statute, and was pronounced guilty of high trea-
son." Preface to Life of Sir Thomas More by his Great Grandson, Thomas
More, Esq., 1726. 8vo. P. xvi.

But observe that this life has, in a subsequent edition, been shown, by the
Rev. Joseph Hunter, F.A.S., to bu the work of a younger brother of Thomas,
Mr. ('resarre More.

8 Enditement.] It is to be found at full length among the Arumlel '
in the British Museum, No. 152, fol. 308, whence it has been recently printed
in the Archaeologia of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. xxvii. p. 370.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 161

your honours, for your great good will towards me ; howbeit I
make this boon and petition unto Almightie God, before whose
dreadfull tribunall we shall all stande, that he will vouchsafe of
his goodness to nourish and maintaine this my honest and up-
right minde even to the last hour that ever I shall live. — Con-
cerning the matter that you chardge and challenge me withall,
the articles are so prolix and long, that I feare, what from my
long imprisonment, what for my lingring disease, and what for
my present weaknes and debilitie, that neither witt, nor my me-
morie, nor yet my voice, will serve to make so full effectuall and
sufficient an answere, as the weight and importance of these
matters doe crave."

When he had thus spoken, susteyning his weak and feeble bodie
with a staffe 9, which he had in his hand, commandment was given

9 With a staffe.] Cardinal Pole, in his third book Pro Ecclesiastics Unitntis
defensione, thus finely describes More's appearance at his trial : —

" Quin illud libenter scire velim, quibus oculis, quibus auribus hsec quse
jamdudum narro, de condemnatione et supplicio Mori, vel audire cum refer-
rentur, vel cum fierent aspicere potueris. Sed tu potius, Londinensis Civitas !
cujus in conspectu hsec gerebantur, cum e carcere eductum ad causam majes-
tatis dicendam videres eum, ad cujus tribunal aliquanto ante reos majestatis
sisti memineras : quern tu puerum, adolescentem, virum, ingravescente denique
setate per omnes honorum gradus summa cum laude et omnium gratulatione
propter rarissimas ejus virtutes processisse, et tandem ad amplissimum munus
conscendisse videras, et quia civis idem et alumnus tuus erat non sine tacito
quodam gaudii sensu videras, quod in eo laudem tuam ac decus agnosceres : cum
eundem e carcere sordidatum ac reum exeuntem, non tarn annorum numero
quam carceris pedore et molestia senem jam factum (tune enim primum
canum in conspectum tuum career exhibuit) toto corpore, viribus fractis,
debilitatum, cum scipione innitens, et sic etiam vix segrum corpus sustentans,
non tain ad causam dicendam, quam ad certam condemnationem, longissima
et maxime celebri via potius traheretur quam iret : quibus haec oculis aspi-
ciebas ? Quid cum eadem via jam condemnatum ut proditorum poenas lueret,
redeuntem videbas, cujus fides erga te nullo nee praemio nee supplicio osten-
tato potuerat expugnari, quibus oculis aspiciebas? Nempe lachrimantibus
scio. Non enim certe aliter fieri potuit, cum videam alienissimos etiam
homines, qui eum nunquam noverant, nunquam ab eo beneficium acceperant,
tantum dolorem ex ejus morte accepisse, ut cum quae de ea re scripta circum-
feruntur legerent lachrimas tenere non potuerint : sed ut si suum civem ac de
se optime meritum, crudelissime et iniquissime necatum audirent, ita Moro
homini extern o, neque alia re quam fama sibi noto illachrimaverint. Ac mihi
plane, tanto intervallo, haec de illius morte scribenti, qui non tarn multas
privatim amoris causas cum eo habui, sed virtutis potius et probitatis ergo,
quodque patrise utilissimum esse scirem, eum amavi et colui ; sic tamen (testis
est rnihi Deus) invito lachrimae oboriebantur, ut scriptionem maxime impe-

VOL. u. M

1 62 SIR THOMAS MORE.

to bring him a chair, wherein being sett he commenced his
ansvvere much after this fashion.

" First, as touching the article, wherein it is laid to my chardge,
that I doe utter and shew my malice against the king : and at his
late marriage have ever repined, and resisted the same to mv
power : I can say nothing but this ; that of malice I never spake
anie thing against it ; and whatsoever I have spoken in that mat-
ter, I have no otherwise spoken, but according to my minde and
opinion ; in the which, if 1 should for the discharge of my con-
science towards God, and my dewtie to my prince otherwise have
done than I have done, I might well account myself to be herein
both unfaithfull and disloyall. And for this my errour, if I may
call it an errour, or have been deceaved herein, I have not goiu-
free and untouched ; for all my goods, lands and chattells be con-
fiscated, and myself judged to perpetuall imprisonment, where I
have been now shutt up above fifteen moneths ; and all be to ( M ids
honoure ! — Moreover I answere ; whereas in this article is ron-
teyned that I have incurred the danger of the last act of parlia-
ment, made since I was last imprisoned, touching the kin^s
supremacie, and that I have, as a tray tor and rebell, gone about e
to robb and spoil the king of his title and due honour ; and againe
how that I am chaullenged, that I would not answere in..
secretarie, and other of the kings privie counsell ; nor would
utter my minde unto them uppon my alleageance, what I thought
of the statute, either in disliking or liking, but onlie this, l that
I was a dead man, and mortified towards the worlde, rcfusii
thinke of anie other matter, than of the passion of Christ, and my
passing out of this world ;' touching I say this accusation, I
answere that for this my taciturnity and silence, neither your
lawe nor anie other lawe in the worlde is able justlie to punish
me, except besides this, they can prove some worde fact
deede10." To this the king's attourney, master Alarin^. said.
'•Marie, this verie silence of your's is a verie sure token and
demonstration of a corrupt and perverse nature, nialignin.ir and
repining against the statute. Yea there is no true and faithfull
subject, that being required of his minde, upon his all

dirent, et ipsas ssepe literas delerent, ut vix ultra progredi possem." Fol.
xciii. This is part of the passage alluded to at p. 180.

10 Facte or deeds.'] Here, according to Lord Herbert, he added, " It is (md
only that is the judge of the secrets of our hearts." State Trials, vol. i.
p. 389.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 163

touching this statute, that is not deeplie bounde, without anie
dissimulation, to confess it to be lawefull and goode." " Truelie"
(quoth Sir Thomas), " if the rule of the civill lawe be allowed,
that 'qui tacet consentire videtur, he that holdeth his peace,
seemeth to consent," then this my silence importeth rather a
confirmation, than a condemnation of your statute ; and for that
you said, master Maring, that everie good subject is obliged to
answere and confesse as you said, you must understand that in
things touching conscience, everie true and faithfull subject is
bound more to have respect unto his conscience, and his soule,
than to anie other thinge in the worlde besides ; especiallie when
his answere may give occasion of contumelie, or reproach, or dis-
honour against his king. And for me, I assure you I have
forborne to disclose my minde to anie man living in the worlde,
in respect of the honour I bear to my prince, lest my plaine mean-
ing might be interpreted an occasion of others offending."

The second article did enforce all the foresaid accusations of
transgressing the statute touching the king's supremacie, for that
Sir Thomas, (as it was said) wrote divers letters to John Fisher,
bishopp of Rochester, willing him in no wise to condescend to the
said statute. " Would God, those letters" (quoth Sir Thomas)
" might be produced and openlie red ! But forasmuch as you say,
that my lord of Rochester had burned them, I will not sticke
truelie to utter the contents of them. In one of them there was
nothing in the worlde but certaine familiar talke, and recommen-
dations such as was seemlie and agreeable to our old acquaintance.
In the other was contained my answere that was made to the said
bishopp, demanding me what I had answered in my first exami-
nation upon this statute, whereunto I answered nothing ells, but
that I had settled and quieted my conscience, and so I would he
should doe his ; and other answere than this, upon the chardge
of my soule, made I none. And these be the tenours of my let-
ters, which little advantage you, whereby any thing might be fas-
tened upon me by lawe to condemn me to death."

After this, answered he to the third article, wherein was laid
to his chardge, " that at such time as he was examined in the
Tower, he should answere, that the statute was like a two edged
sword, the which if anie man would keep and observe it, he should
thereby lose his soule ; and in case he did not observe it, he should
thereby lose his corporall life. The verie same answer the bishopp

M 2

164 SIR THOMAS MORE.

of Bochester made ; whereby it doth evidentlie appear that it was
a purpose, and a sett matter between you, by mutual conference
and agreement."

To these Sir Thomas answered, " that he did not preciselie but
conditionallie answere, that in case the statute were like to be a
double edged sworde, he could not tell in the worlde, how a man
should demean and order himself, but that he should fall in one of
the daungers. Neither doe I know what answere the bishopp
made ; whose answere, if it were agreeable and correspondent to
mine, that had happened by reason of the correspondence and
congruitie of our witts, learning, and studie, not that anie such
thinge was purposelie concluded upon and accorded betwixt as.
Neither hath there at anie time, anie worde, or deed maliciously
scaped or proceeded from me against your statute ; albeit it may
be that my wordes might be wrongfullie and maliciouslie rep< >
to the kings majestic." And thus did Sir Thomas More easily
cast and shake off such and like criminations. Amongst other
things it was said, that he would upon the inditement have abiden
in lawe, but that thereby he should be driven to confess of him-
self the matter indeed, which was the deniall of the kings supre-
macie, which he protested was untrue. Wherefore he thereto
pleaded Not Guilty ; and so reserved to himself advantage to be
taken of the bodie of the matter, after verdict, to avoide the
inditement ; and moreover added that if onlie these odious terms
maliciouslie, traiterouslie, diabollicallw were put out of the indite-
ment, he sawe nothing therein justlie to chardge him.

Wherefore at the last cast and refuge, to prove that Sir Thomas
More was guiltie of that treason, master Rich was called to \
evidence to the jury, upon his oath, as he did. Againste whome
thus sworne, Sir Thomas More begann in this wise to say : " ff
I were a man, my lords, that did not regard an oath, I need not.
as it is well knowne, in this place, at this time, nor in this case
stand here as an accused person. If this oath of yours, master
Rich, be true, then pray I that I never see God in tin- i
which I would not say were it otherwise, to wimie tin- whole
worlde.11 Then recited he to the court, the whole discourse of
all their whole communication in the Tower, according to the
tnieth; and said " In good faith, master I\ich. I am sorrier for
your perjurie, than myne owne perill. And yon shall understand,
that neither I, neither anie man el>c to my knowledge, ever took

SIR THOMAS MORE. 165

you to be a man of such credit, as in a matter of importance, I,
or anie other would vouchsafe to communicate with you. And I
as you knowe, of no small while have been acquainted with you,
and your conversation ; who have knowne you from your youth
hitherto, for we long dwelt in one parish togeather; whereas
yourself can well tell, (I am sorrie you compell me so to say), you
were esteemed verie light of your tongue, a common lyar, a great
dicer, and of no commendable fame. And so in your house at
the Temple, where hath been your chief bringing up, were you
likewise accounted. And therefore may it seem likelie to your
honourable lordshipps, that I would, in so weightie a cause, so
unadvisedlie overshoot myself, as to trust master Rich, a man of
me alwaies reputed for one of little trust, as your lordshipps hath
heard, so farr to abuse my soveraign lord, or anie of his noble
counsellors, that I would unto him utter the secrets of my con-
science, touching the kings supremacie, the speciall point and
onlie marke at my handes so long sought for ; a thing which I
never did, nor never would, after a statute made, reveal to the
kings highnes himself, nor to anie of his honourable counsellors ;
as it is not unknowne to your honours, at sundrie severall times
sent from his graced owne person unto the Tower to me for no
other purpose ? Can this in your judgements, my lords, seem like
to be true ? And yet, if I had so done indeed, my lords, as master
Rich hath sworne, seeing that it was spoken but in familiar secret
talke, nothing affirming, and onelie in putting of cases, without
other displeasant circumstances, it cannot justlie be taken to be
spoken maliciouslie ; for where there is no malice, there can be
no malicious offence. And never thinke my lords that so manie
worthie bishopps, so manie honourable personages, and so manie
other worshipfull, vertuous wise and well learned men, as at the
making of that la we were in that parliament assembled, ever meant
to have anie man punished by death, in whom there could be
found no malice, taking malitia for malevolently for, if malitia is
generallie taken for sinne, no man is then that can excuse himself.
" Si dixerimus quoniam peccatum non habemus, ipsi nos seducimus,
et veritas in nobis non est" (1 Joan. 1.) And overlie this worde
maliciouslie is in this statute materiall ; as this term forciblie is
in the statute of forcible entry : by which statute, if a man enter
peaceablie, and put not his adversarie out forciblie, it is no
offence ; but if he put him out forciblie, then by that statute it is
an offence, and so shall he be punished by this term forciblie.

166 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Besides this, the manifold goodness of the king's highness himself,
that hath bene so manie waies my singular good and gratious
soveraign, even at my first coming into his noble service, with the
dignitie of his honourable privie counsell, vouchsafing to admit me
into offices of great credit and worshipp, most liberallie advanced
me, and finallie with the great weightie room of his graces high
chauncellourshipp (the like he never did to temporall man1
before), next to his royall person, the highest office of this noble
Realme ; so farre above my merits and qualities, thereto of his
incomparable benignitie, honoured and exalted me, by the space
of twentie years, and more, shewing his continuall favour towards
me ; and untill at my poore humble suite it pleased his maj<
(giving me licence with his highness1 favour, to bestowe the rest
of my life for the provision of my soule, in the service of God), of
his especiall goodness, therefore to dischardge and disburthen me ;
all this his highnes's goodness I say, so long, so bountifullie
extended towards me, in heaping honours upon honours, were in
my minde my lords, matter sufficient to convince this slanderous
surmise by this man so wrongfullie imagined against me/1

Master Rich seeing himself disproved, and his credit so fowllie
defaced, caused Sir Richard Southwell and master Palmer, who
at the time of their communication were in the chamber with
them, to be sworne what words passed betwixt them.

\\ hereupon master Palmer upon his deposition said, "that he
was so busie about trussing up of Sir Thomas his books in a
sacke, that he tooke no heed to their talke." Sir Richard South-
well likewise upon his deposition said, "that because he was
appointed onlie to looke to the conveiance of his bookes, he gave
no eare unto them."

After this were manie other reasons by Sir Thomas More in
his owne defence alledged, to the discredit of master Riche's fore-
said evidence, and proof of the clearness of his owne conscience.
All which notwithstanding, the jurie found him guiltie, in a \vrie,
short time. And incontinent upon their verdict, the lord chan-
cellour, for that matter chiefe commissioner, beginning to pr<>
in judgment against Sir Thomas, Sir Thomas interrupted him ;
M My lord" (quoth he), "when I was towards the la we. the
manner in such cases was, to aske tin- prisoner before judgment,
why judgment should not proceed against him." Whereupon

1 To iemporall nun.] See p. 59.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 167

the lord chancellour, staying his judgment, wherein he had
partlie proceeded, demanded of him what he was able to say for
the saving of his life. Who in this sort most humblie made
answere. " Seeing that I see you are determined to condemn
me, (God knoweth how justlie), I will now, in discharge of my
conscience, speake my mind plainlie and freelie touching my in-
ditement, and your statute therewithal!. — And forasmuch as this
statute is grounded upon an act of parliament directlie repugning
to the lawes of God, and his holie church, the supreame govern-
ment and authority of which, or of anie part thereof may no
temporall prince or king presume by la we or right to take upon
him, as rightfullie by the lawes of God belonging to the sea of
Rome, a spirituall preeminence by the mouth of our Saviour
himself, personallie present upon earth, onelie to Saint Peter and
his successors, bishopps of the same sea by speciall prerogative
graunted ; to him, it was said ' Pasce oves meas 2 ;' let Caesar
give to Caesar that is Caesar's ; to God that is God's : — it is
therefore a lawe, amongst Christian men, insufficient and of no
effect to chardge anie man therewithall."

This was spoken concerning the statute, and for proof, here-
after, like as amongst divers other reasons and authorities, he
declared3, " that this realme of England, being but one member*
and part of the church of God, might not make a parliament lawe
disagreeable to Christ's universal! catholicke Church ; no more
than the citie of Bristowe, being but one poore member, in respect
of the whole realme, may make a lawe against an act of parlia-
ment, to bind the whole realme under pain of death to obey it.
So further he shewed, that it was not onelie contrarie to the
lawes of God 5, but also contrarie to the lawes and statutes of our

3 "Pasce oves meas"] See Casaubon's dedication of his Exercitationes
contra Baronium. Christian Institutes, vol. iv. p. 58 — 60.

3 He declared.'] But see Twisden's Historical Vindication, p. 71—3,
118, &c.

4 But one member.'] See More's Letter to Cromwell. Strype's Eccles.
Mem., vol. i. p. 134. Records.

5 The lawes of God.] Yet time was when More did not entertain any such
lofty notions of the divine right of the papal authority in England. In his
Confutation of TindaVs Answer, part ii. p. 615, he thus expresses himself:
" I never dydde putte the pope for parte of the dyffinicion of the church ;
diffynyng the church to be the common knowen congregacyon of all christen
nacions under one head the pope.

"Thus did I never defyne the church, but purposely declyned therefrom,

] G8 SIR THOMAS MORE.

owne nation, yet in force and unrepealed, as most evidentlie it
doth appear in Charta Magna, Quod ecclesia Anglicana liber"
et habeat omnia jura sua Integra, lilertates suas illesas : Also he
showed that it was contrarie to the sacred oath, which the kings
highness himself, and everie other Christian prince alwaies receivi-d
with great solemnity at their coronations, inviolately to observe ;
alleaging moreover, that with no more right this realme of Knu-
lande refuseth obedience to the sea of Rome, than the child
refuseth obedience to his owne naturall father. For as Saint
Paul said to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 4.) i I have regenerated you,
my children in Christ ? so might Saint Gregory pope of Rome,
of whome by Saint Austin, his messenger, wee first received the
Christian faith, of us Englishmen truelie say, " You are my
children, because to you I have given salvation, a farre higher
and better inheritance, than anie carnall father can leave to his

for I would not intrike and entangle the matter with two questions at once.
For I wiste very well, that the church being proved this common knowen
catholyke congregacion of all chrysten nacions, abyding together in one
fayth, neither fallen off, nor cut off; there might peradventure be made a
seconds question after that, whether over all that catholyke church, the pope
must needs be head and chief-governor, or chief spiritual shepheard ; or elles,
that the unyon of faythe standyng among them all, every province might
have their own chief spiritual governor over itself, without anye recourse unto
the pope ; or any superioritie recognised to any other outward persone.

" And then if the pope were pope, or no, but, as I say (divers) provincial
patriarchs, archbishoppes, metropolitanes, or by what name soever the thing
were called, — what authority, and what power either he, or they should have
among the people; — these things well I wyst woulde rayse among manye
menne manye moe questions then one. For the avoydyng of all intricacion
whereof I purposely forbare to putte in the pope as parte of the diffynicyon
of the church, as a thing that needed not ; sith if he be the necessary headde,
he is included in the name of the whole bodye. And, whether he be or not,
if it be brought in question, were a matter to be treated and disputed besyde,
and by itself."

In another place, he names, in a letter to Cromwell (written about i
ruary, 1533 — 41) a time and occasion for the change in his sentiments, flat-
tering indeed to the controversial vanity of his royal master, but somewhat
unseasonably brought forward in the present altered state of affairs. " Troath
it is, that as I told you, when ye desired me to shew you what I thought in
the question of the primacy of the pope, I was myself sometime not of that
mind that the primacy of that see should be begun by the institution of God,
until I red in that matter those thinges that the king's highness had written
in liis most famous book against the heresies of Martine Luther." Works,
p. 1 427, or Strype's Eccles. Memorials, vol. i. p. 134.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 1G9

children; and by regeneration I have made you my spirituall
children in Christ."

Then was it by the lord chancellour answered, " that seeing
all the bishopps, universities, and best learned of the reahne had
to this act agreed, it was much merveiled, that he alone against
them all would so stifelie sticke thereat, and so vehementlie argue
there against." Which reason in effect the abbot of Westmin-
ster made against him, when he appeared before the commis-
sioners at Lambeth. To this Sir Thomas replied, saying, " that
this seaven yeares, seriouslie and earnestlie he had beset his studies
and cogitations upon this pointe, chieflie amongst others, of the
pope's authoritie ; neither as yet, said he, have I chaunced upon
anie ancient writer or doctour that so advaunceth it, as your sta-
tute doth of any secular or temporall Prince. If there were no
more but myself upon my side, and the whole parliament upon the
other, I would be sore afraid to leane to mine owne mind onelie
against so manie ; but if the number of bishopps and universities
be so materiall as your lordshipp seemeth to take it, then see I
little cause my lord, why that thing in my conscience should make
any chaunge ; for I nothing doubt but that, tho1 not in this realme,
yet in Christendome about, of these well learned bishopps and ver-
tuous men that are yet alive, they be not the fewer part that are
of my minde herein. But if I should speake of those that are
alreadie dead, of whome many are now holie saints in heaven, I
am very sure that it is the far greater part of them, that all the
while they lived, thought in this case, that way which I thinke
now, and therefore am I not bound my lorde to conforme my con-
science to the counsell of our realme against the generall counsells
of all Christendome ; for of the foresaid holy byshopps, I have for
everie byshopp of yours above an hundred, yea well might I add,
a thousand ; and for one counsell of parliament of your's (God
knoweth what manner of one), I have all the counsells made this
manie hundred yeares ; and for this one kingdom I have all other
Christian realms." Then answered the duke of Norfolk, " Wee
now plainlie perceave, that you are maliciouslie bent." " Nay,
nay" (quoth Sir Thomas), " verie and pure necessitie, for dis-
chardge of my conscience, enforceth me to speake so much ,
wherein I call and appeal to God, whose onelie sight pierceth the
verie depth of mans hart, for witness : howbeit it is not so much
for the supremacie that you seek my bloud, as because I would

170 SIR THOMAS MORE.

not condescend to the second marriage of the king, his first wife
yet living."

Now Sir Thomas More for the avoiding of his inditement, had
taken so manie exceptions as he thought meet, and manie more
reasons than are here alleaged ; the lord chancellour loath to have
the inditement wholie to depend upon him, there openlie asked
the advice of the lord Fitz- James8, then lord chief justice of the
kings bench, and joined with him in commission ; " whether this
inditement were sufficient or not." Who like a wise man an-
swered, " My lord, by Saint Julian " (that was ever his oath)
" I must needs confess, that if the act of parliament be lawefull,
then the inditement is good enough." Whereupon the lord
chauncellour said to the rest of the lords, " My lords, you heare
what my lord chief justice saith. What thinke you ?" No man
made answere in particular ; and so immediatelie he gave judg-
ment without anie further adoe, against Sir Thomas, in this
manner, " Wee command, that Sir Thomas More, sometime
knight, be carried back to the place from whence he came, and
from thence be drawn through the citie to the publicke place of
execution, there to be hanged till he be half dead, then to be cut
down, his bowells presentlie to be taken out and burned, his head
to be cut off, and his bodie to be quartered into fower parts ; and
the bodie and head to be sett up where the king shall appoint.
So the Lord have mercie upon you ! "

This sentence was chaunged into beheading onlie 7. For it is
an ancient custome of our countrie for men of high birth or office,
condemned to die though for treason, to have this graunted them
as a priviledge, to have but their heads cut off.

After this sentence was ended, the commissioners did further
courteouslie offer him if he had anie thing ells to alleage for his
defence, to graunt him favourable audience. Who answered,
" My lords, more I have not to say ; but that like as the bl«
apostle Saint Paul, as we reade in the Acts, was present, and
consented to the death of Saint Stephen, and kept the cloathes of

6 Lord Fitz- James.'] Sir John Fitzjames ; the title of Lord must allude to
his office : there never was any peer of that name.

7 Into beheading onlie.'] " Of which mercy of the king, word being brought
to Sir Thomas, he merrily said, 'God forbid the king should use any more
such mercy to any of my friends; and (iod bless fill my posterity from such
pardons.' " Lord Herbert, in State Trials, vol. i. p. 394.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 171

them that stoned him to death, and yet be they both twaine com-
peers and holie saints in heaven, and shall continue there friends
togeather for ever ; so I verilie trust, and shall therefore right
hartilie pray, though your lordships have now here on earthe been
my judges to my condemnation ; wee may yet hereafter in heaven,
all rnerrilie meet togeather to our everlasting salvation. And thus
I desire Almightie God to preserve and defend the king's majestie,
and to send him good counsell ! "

Thus much now concerning his arraignment. After the which,
he departed from the barre to the Tower againe, ledd by Sir Wil-
liam Kingstone, a tall, strong and comelie knight, constable of the
Tower, and his deare friende. Whom when he had brought from
Westminster to the Old Swanne, towards the Tower, with a heavie
heart, the tears running downe amaine the old knights cheeks, he
bade him farewell, scarce able to speake another worde. Sir Tho-
mas More seeing him so sorrie, comforted him with as good words
as he could possiblie devise, saying, " Good master Kingstone,
trouble not yourself. I beseech you be of good cheer ; for I will
pray for you, and for my good ladie your wife, that we may meet
in heaven togeather, where we shall be merrie for ever.'"

15. When Sir Thomas came from Westminster towards the
Tower, his daughter Margaret, desirous to see her father, whom
she thought she should never see againe in this worlde, and also
to have his last blessing, gave attendance about the Tower wharfe,
where she knew her father would passe : whome as soon as she
sawe, she reverentlie bowed herself upon her knees to take his
blessinge. After she hastened towards him, without considera-
tion or care of herself, pressing in amongst the thickest of the
throng and companie of the guard, who with halberts and bills
went round about him : she ran to her father, and there openlie
in the sight of them all imbraced him about the necke, and
kissed him most lovinglie. Who well liked her naturall and
deare daughterlie affection towards him ; gave her his fatherlie
blessing and manie godlie words of comfort ; besides telling her
that whatsoever he suffered, though he suffered as an innocent,
yet did he not suffer it without Gods holie will and pleasure.
" For thou knowest, Megg, my deare daughter, thou knowest
the verie bottom and secrets of my hart. So thou hast cause
rather to congratulate and rejoice with me, and for me, that God
hath thus gratiouslie advanced me to this high honour, and hath
made me worthie to spend my life, for the defence and upholding

172 SIR THOMAS MORE.

of virtue, justice, and religion, than to be dismaide or discomfited.
Therefore be of good comfort." O noble and worthie voice of
our Christian Socrates ! The old Socrates, that excellent philo-
sopher, was also unjustlie put to death ; who when his wife at
that time following, outrageouslie cried out, " Shall Socratc -
good a man, be put to death ?" " Peace my good wife" (quoth
he) "and content thyself: it is farr better for me to die a true
and good man, than to live as a wretch and a malefactour."

To come againe to mistress Roper. Being departed from her
father, she was not satisfied with the former sight of him ; like
one that had forgotten herself, being ravished with the entire
love of her deare father, having no respect to herself, nor to the
multitude of people that were about him, suddenlie she turned
backe againe, ranne to him as before, tooke him about the lurk.
and divers times most lovinglie kissed him ; and at last with a
full heavie hart was faine to depart from him : the beholding
whereof was to manie there present so lamentable, that it made
them for verie sorrowe and compassion to weep. Yet Sir
Thomas, as one quite mortified to the worlde, and all worldlie
affection, as though he were whollie fixed in the love of hen YOU.
albeit he was a most loving, tender, and natural father to all his
children, and above all other most dearelie loved this his daughter
Margaret ; yet the love of God, and the desire of heaven, had so
mightilie subdued and conquered even nature itself, that he
neither sighed nor wept, nor shewed any token of sorrowe or
griefe, no nor once, for all this, chaunged his countenance : such
was his temper and moderation of minde ; such his resolution
and carriage in this matter ; as if he had been discharged of all
human affection and incombrances of the same ; more like an
angell than a man 8. The like temper of his mind he showed at

8 Than a man.'] This translation has not done justice to the singular beauty
of the description in the original.

" His ita peractis, Thomas Moms reductus est in Turrim. Hie obiter accidit
spectaculum ipsa condemnatione miserabilius. Margareta filiarum Mori natu
maxima, mulier praeter eximiam formae venustatem cum summa dignitate
conjunctam, judicio, ingenio, moribus et eruditione Patris simillima, per
medium populi turbam, perque satellitum arma semet injecit, et ad Pan nh m
penetravit. Quum et mulier esset, et natura cum primis verecunda, tarnen et
metum et pudorern omnem excusserat impotens auimi dolor, cum audisset
Patrem in Curia morti addictum esse. Hoc accidit priusquam Morns arcis
portam ingrederetur. I hi in charissimi Parentis collum irruens arctissimo
complexu aliquamdiutenuiteum. Caeterum ne verbum quidem interim potuit

SIR THOMAS MORE. 173

his arraignment ; for neither in speech nor countenance he
showed anie sign of alteration nor passion.

Thus Sir Thomas was brought to the Tower againe ; where
he remained a se'night after his judgment ; from whence, the
day before he suffered, he sent by a maide his shirt of haire, his
discipline 9, and a letter written with a cole, expressing his divine
spirit, and not forgetting the parts of a loving father, to his
daughter Margaret ; the copie whereof followeth ; and because
it was the last that ever he wrote, I will sett it downe verbatim.

A Letter to Ms Daughter Margaret.

" Our Lord bless you good daughter, and your good husband,
and your little boy, and all yours, and all my children, and all my
God-children, and all our friends ! Recommend me, when you
may, to my good daughter Cicilie, whom I beseech our Lord to
comfort ; and I send her my blessing, and to all her children ;
and pray her to pray for me. I send her a handkerchief. And
God comforte my good sonne her husband ! " (to witt, master
Giles Heron).

" My good daughter Dansey hath the picture in parchment,
that you delivered me from my ladie Conyers ; her name is on
the back side ; shew her it ; and I heartilie pray her, that you
may send it againe in my name to my ladie, for a token from me

proloqui. 'Curse/ inquit tragicus, 'leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent.'
Movit stipatores, tametsi duros, hoc spectaculum. Horum itaque permissu
Morns his verbis consolatus est filiam. * Margareta, patienter feras, nee te
discrucies amplius. Sic est voluntas Dei. Jampridem nosti secreta cordis
mei.' Simulque dedit osculum, ex consuetudine gentis si quern dimittant. At
ilia cum digressa esset ad decem vel duodecim passus, denuo recurrit, et
amplexa Parentem rursus inhaesit collo illius, sed elinguis prae doloris magni-
tudine. Cui Pater nihil locutus est, tantum erumpebant lacrymae, vultu
tamen a constantia nihil dimoto. Nee aliud supremis verbis mandavit quam
ut Deum pro anima Patris deprecaretur. — Ad hoc pietatis certamen plurimis
e populari turba lacrymae excidere. Erant et inter satellites, ferum et immite
genus hominum, qui lacrymas tenere non potuerunt. Nee mirum, quum
pietatis affectus adeo valida res sit, ut immitissimas etiam feras moveat ....
Morum fortiter excepisse sententiam mortis, aut etiam carnificis securirn,
minus admirandum existimo quam pietatem erga suos potuisse vincere.
Nihil enim addubito quin hie doloris gladius crudelius vulneravit Mori prae-
cordia quam ilia carnificis securis quse collum amputarit." Erasmus under
the assumed name of Corvinus Nucerinus.

9 Discipline.'] i. e. His whip for scourging himself. See p. 67 and 1/6.

174 SIR THOMAS MORE.

to pray for me. I like speciall well Dorothie Collie." (This
Dorothie Collie was afterwards wife to John Harris, Sir Thomas
his secretarie. She oftentimes had access to Sir Thomas, and
brought him manie presents and tokens from her misi
mistress Margaret Roper). " I pray you be good to her. I would
witt whether this be she you wrote to me of. If not, yet I pray
you be good to the other, as you may, in her affliction. And to
my daughter Joan Allen too ; " (This was none of his daughters,
nor anie thing a-kinn to him ; but because she waited on hi.s
daughter Margaret Roper, and was brought up of a little one
in his house, in kindness he called her daughter). " Give her
I pray you some kind answer, for she sued hither to me this day.
to pray you to be good to her. I comber you good Mar
much ; but I would be sorrie it should be anie longer then to-
morrow ; for it is Saint Thomas's Eve, and the Utas ' of Saint
Peter," (to witt the sixth day of Julie ; for the seventh day is
the translation of Sir Thomas of Canterburie. Therefore most
fitlie God of his high providence had ordeined, that he that
suffered for the supremacie of the pope, should suffer on that
day wherein was combined two feasts of speciall defendants of
that veritie) : " and therefore tomorrow long I to go to God. It
were a meet day, and verie convenient for me. I never liked
your manners better towards me, than when you kissed me last."'
(He meaneth that time, when he came from judgment). " For
I love when daughterlie love, and deare char i tie hath no leisure
to look to worldlie curtesie. Fare well my deare child, and pray
for me, and I shall for you, and all your friends, that w<- may
merrilie meet in heaven. I thanke you for your cost. I
now to my good daughter Clement her Algorisme stone V
(This mistress Clement, was not his naturall daughter, but was
named before she was married, Margaret Gige. Her husband
was called John Clement, a famous doctour of phisicke). u And
I send her, and my God-sonne, and all hers, Gods blessing and
mine. I pray you at convenient time recommend me to my

1 Utas.~\ i. e. Octaves, from the French huit. See note, vol. i. p. 224.

2 Her Algorisme stone.'] " An arithmetical stone. Ab Arabibus nomen
Algorisimi accepimus, pro praxi arithmetica per figuras numerales. Wallis.'1
Roper's Life by Lewis, p. 185. It was sometimes written augrim.

rst by seconds, terces, and eke quarters
On augrim stones and on white cartes."

hydrate's Hist, of Thebes.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 175

good sonne John More. I liked well his naturall fashion." (This
he meant, because he reverentlie kneeled downe, and asked him
blessing, when he came from judgment.) " Our Lord bless him,
and his good wife my loving daughter ; to whom I pray him to
be, as he hath great cause to be, good : and that if the land of
mine come to his hande, he breake not my will concerning his
sister Dansey. Our Lord bless Thomas, and Austine, and all
that they have. Farewell." (This Thomas was John's eldest
sonne, and is yet alive.)

Anno 1535. 5to Julii, pridie nativitatis ejus.

16. Upon the next morrowe being Tuesday and the feast of
St. Peter's octaves 3, and the eve of St. Thomas of Canterburie,
in the yeare of our Lord God 1535, in the twenty seventh year
of the reign of king Henery the eighth, according as Sir Thomas
in his letters the day before had wished ; earlie in the morning
came to him Sir Thomas Pope, his verie good frende, on a mes-
sage from the king and his counsell, that he should prepare him-
self ; for before nine o'clocke the same morning he should loose
his head.

"Master Pope" (quoth he) "for your good tidings, I most
hartilie thanke you. I have bene alwaies much bounden to the
king's highnes, for the benefits and honours that he hath still
from time to time most bountifullie heaped upon me. Yet more
bound am I unto his grace for putting me into this place, where
I have had convenient time and place to have remembrance of
my end. And so help me God ! Most of all master Pope, I
am bound to his highnes, that it pleaseth him so shortlie to ridd
me out of the miseries of this wretched life : and therefore will I
not faile earnestlie to pray for his grace both here, and also in
an other worlde." " The king's pleasure is further " (quoth
master Pope) " that at your execution, you shall not use manie
wordes." " Master Pope," (quoth he) " you do well to give me
warning of his grace his pleasure ; for otherwise I had purposed
at that time somewhat to have spoken ; but of no matter where-
with his grace nor anie other should have had cause to be
offended. Nevertheless whatsoever I intended, I am readie obe-
diently to conform myself to his graces commandment. And I

3 St. Peter's octaves^ 6th July ; the eve of the translation of St. Thomas
of Canterbury.

176 SIR THOMAS MORE.

beseech you good master Pope, to be meanes to his highnes, that
my daughter Margaret may be at my buriall." " The king is
contented alreadie " (quoth master Pope), " that your wife, chil-
dren, and other friends shall have libertie to be present thereat."
"O how much beholding then" (quoth Sir Thomas) "am 1 to
his grace, that to my poor buriall vouchsafeth to have such gra-
tious consideration." Wherewithall master Pope taking his
leave with him, could not refraine from weeping ; which Sir
Thomas More perceiving comforted him in this wise. u Quiet
yourself good master Pope, and be not discomforted ; for I trust
that we shall once see each other in heaven full merrilie ; where
wee shall be sure to live and love togeather in joy and blisse
eternallie."

After whose departure Sir Thomas, as one that had 1
invited to some solemn banquet, was merveillous glad of this
day ; which he knew, (either by the spirit of prophesie, or spoke
it in the confidence he had in his familiaritie with God), he ap-
pointed to render his soule into the hands of his Creatour, fullie
and certainlie to receave of him the guerdon of his well doing.
The day before he had sent away his spirituall weapons. Know-
ing the tyme of his warfare presentlie to have an end, he left off
his mourning and disciplining of his bodie, which mightilie he did
from the time of his condemnation, till now, in this manner.
He wrapt himself in a linen sheet, like a bodie to be laid in a
grave : so walked he most part of the night, and seven lie pu-
nished his bodie with a whipp 4 ; but now in token of joy and
exultation of his minde, he changed himself into his best apparell.
Which master lieutenant espying, advised him to put it off, say-
ing that he that should have it was but a javell8. '• What mav-
ter lieutenant" (quoth he) "should I account him a javell, that
shall doe me this day so singular a benefitt, that all the friends 1
have in the world neither have, nor can doe me the like good '.
Nay I assure you Sir, if it were cloth of gold, I would thinke it
well bestowed upon him.'1 But at length through the importu-
nate persuasion of the lieutenant, he put off his camlet gown,
which master Bonvise', his deare friende, sent him after his im-
prisonment; and put on a gown of f'rie/c; and to make

1 With a whipp.] See above, p. 67, and note, p. 173.

6 A javell.'] A worthless fellow. Javelle. Fr. Xare's Glossary, Sec.

6 Bonvise.'] See note, p. 96.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 177

executioner amends, of that money which was left him, agreeably
to the example of blessed Saint Ciprian, he caused an angell of
gold to be delivered him.

17. Sir Thomas fasting, and clad in an old ill favoured friese
gown, which to him was his marriage garment, and so meanlie
apparelled the better to remember the povertie of his maister
Christ, was by the lieutenant brought from the Tower towards
the place of execution 7 ; where by the way a certain importunate
woman, with a loud voice called unto him at the Tower gate,
beseeching him to declare, that he had certaine evidences of
her's, that were delivered him, when he was in office ; saying,
that sithence he was apprended she could by no means come to
them againe ; and that he would be a meane, that she might
recover them, the loss whereof she said did much grieve her.
" Good woman" (quoth he), " content thyself, and have patience
awhile ; for the king is so good and gratious to me, that even
within this half hour he will disburthen me of all worldlie busi-
ness, and help thee himself.11 A little further a good woman
offered him wine to drinke. " Marrie good wife" (quothe he),
" I will not drinke now. My maister had easell 8 and gall, and
not wine given him to drinke."

A little further a third woman, and she was verie clamorous :
" Do you remember master More, that when you were chauncel-
lour, you were my hard friend, and did me great injurie in giving
wrong judgment against me 2" "Woman" (quoth he), "I am
now going to my death. I remember well the whole matter ; if
now I ware to give sentence againe, I assure thee, I would not
alter it. Thou hast no injurie, so content thee, and trouble
me not."

Afterwards as he passed, there came to him a citizen of Win-
chester ; who had been once with Sir Thomas before, and it was
upon this occasion. This poor man was grievouslie vexed with
verie vehement and grievous tentations of desperation, and could
never be ridd of it either by counsaile, or prayer of his owne or
of his friends. At last a good friend of his brought him to Sir

7 The place of execution.'] "About nine he was brought out of the Tower.
His beard was long, his face pale and thin ; and carrying a red crosse in his
hand, he often lift up his eyes to heaven. A woman meeting him with a cup of
wine, he refused it, saying, * Christ at his passion drank no wine, but gall and
vinegar.' " Lord Herbert in State Trials, vol. i. p. 395.

8 Had easell ] Eisell, vinegar. Nares's Glossary, &c.

VOL. II. N

178 SIR THOMAS MORE.

Thomas, then chauncellour ; who taking compassion of the poor
man^s miserie, gave him the best counsaile and advice he could ;
but it would not serve. Then fell he to his prayers for him. be-
seeching earnestlie Almightie God to rid the poor man of his
trouble of minde. He obtained it : for after that, the Hamp-
shire man was never troubled with it anie more, so long as he
would come to Sir Thomas More. But after he was imprisoned,
and could have no access unto him, his tentations began againe,
more vehement and troublesome than ever before ; so he spent
his daies with a heavie hart and without all hope of remedie.
But when he heard that Sir Thomas was condemned, he ]»
from Winchester, hoping at least to see him as he should jrne
to execution ; and so determined to speake with him, come what
would of it. And for that cause he placed himself in the way ;
and at his coming by, he thrust through the throng, and with
a loud voice said, " Master More, do you knowe me? I pray you
for our Lord"s sake help me. I am as ill troubled as ever I was."
Sir Thomas answered, " I remember thee full well. Go thy
waies in peace, and praie for me, and I will not faile to praie
for thee." And from that time after, so long as he lived, lie was
never troubled with that manner of tentation.

Thus he came to the scaffold, where taking the help of one of
the officers to ascend, he desired all the people thereabouts to
pray for him ; and being forbidden to make anie further sp<
he desired all there that were present, to beare witness thai he
should suffer in and for the faith of the catholic church. u For
I call heaven and earth to witness, I am the kings true and
faithful subject ; the servant of Almightie God; and determined
to die in the profession of his holie religion." So he kneeled
him downe on his knees, and with a loud voice said the fiftieth
psalm, Miserere mei Deus, to the end, with some other pra\
After which he turned to the executioner and with ehearfull
countenance spake to him sayinge, " What man. pull up t In-
spirits, and be not afraid to do thine office ;" who, as the manner
is, asked him forgiveness. Sir Thomas kissed him, and told him,
"no mortall man could give that he should receive at his hands :
but I am sorie my necke is so short, therefore strike not a\
for saving of thy honestie." So he tooke a napkin that
brought with him, wherewith he blindfolded his owne eies, st mak-
ing his beard, which was then Browne long in the time of his
durance, and laid it over the Mock, and thereon laid his 1

SIR THOMAS MORE. 179

even and quiet. So with one blow of an axe his sweet soule
passed out of this worlde unto Almightie God, the verie same
day that he most desired, and before foretold, to witt, the octaves
of Saint Peter, the eve of St. Thomas, the sixth of Julie in
the yeare of our Lord 1 535, in the twentie seventh of the reign
of king Henery the eighth, and the yeare of his age fifty five, or
fifty six, as some say.

18. Sir Thomas More was wont to say in manner of an adage,
" A man may lose his head and take no harme :" so it was veri-
fied in him ; for he lost his head, but tooke no harme. For his
temporall life, he now possesseth everlasting bliss and felicitie in
the blissful quiers of saints and angells ; and in earth hath his
fame eternized to all posterity ; and his name, not onelie of his
friends and well willers, but of his enemies and greatest adversa-
ries, it is had in much reverence and regard.

Immediatelie after the execution of Sir Thomas More, word
was brought thereof to the king ; who being then at dice when it
was told him, at the hearing thereof seemed to be wonderfullie
amazed. " And is it true" (quoth the king) 2 " Is Sir Thomas
More, my chauncellour dead 2" The messenger answered, " Yea,
if it may please your majestie." He turned him to queen Anne,
who then stood by, and wistlie looking upon her said, " Thou,
thou art the cause of this man's death." So presentlie went to
his chamber, and there wept full bitterlie. For so unjust and
violent a death of so innocent a man, could not but grieve the
verie authors of it. It was wonderfull to thincke how the king
could find in his hart to put this holie, innocent and famous man
to death ; but defiled with scisme, loaded with sinne, and over-
ruled with inordinate affection to dame Anne, what did he not 2
" Nay," saith a Welsh man when he heard this question moved,
" that is not so great, for my neighbours of Carmarthen, when
master Davies was arraigned, did at the same time arraigne, in-
dite, and condemn Pius Quintus the pope, of high treason, long
after his death." Indeed sinne now is at that ripeness, that now
with praise and commendations those things be attempted, that
in former ages without sinne might not be thought of.

Charles the emperour, the fifth of that name, a most reverent
and victorious prince, gave a singular testimonie of the praise of
this man. For when intelligence came to him of Sir Thomas
More his death, he sent presentlie for Sir Thomas Elliott, our
English ambassadour then with him, to whom said the emperour,

N 2

180 SIR THOMAS MORE.

" We understand that the king your maister hath put to death
his faithfull servant, his grave and wise counsellor, Thomas More.11
Whereunto our ambassadour answered that he heard nothing
thereof. " Well" (quoth the emperour), " it is too true. And
this wee will saie, that if wee had been maister of such a servaunt,
of whose doings our self have these manie yeares no small expe-
rience, we should rather have lost the best citie of our dominion,
than have forgone so worthie a counsellor."

What moan and lamentation of all good men in other countries
was made for this man's death well witnesseth that worthie man
cardinall Poole, lib. 3"° de unitate ecclesice 9 : and Johannes Coch-
leus libro contra Ricardum Sampsonum. The like doth Paulus
Jovius in Elogiis, tit. 89. Gulielmus Paradinus ; Johannes Fon-
tanus ; Laurentius Surius ; Onuphrius Patavinus, with manie
others. But lest these may be suspected as partiall, for being of
the same faith with him; the hereticks themselves that then
lived, and since, spake honourable of him. See Johannes Carion,
John Sleyden, Johannes Rivius; onlie one or two exceptc'd. as
Fox, Hall, Holinsheade, and such rabines, most obscure and base
fellowes, most unworthie to have names of historiographers ; yea
so impious and shameless they are in their assertions, that they
beare no great credit amongst their owne fellowes ; so it great lie
skilleth not what they say ; yet what they saye by the judgment
of all indifferent, tendeth rather to his praise than reproach. One
calleth him cruel and hard, for the mislike he shewed to the here-
ticks. Another calleth him a foolish wise man, or a wise fool.
Another a jeaster. But maugre all the malice of heresie, and the
iniquity of our most miserable tymes, this eulogium shall for OUT
be given him. Sir Thomas More for vertue, learning, and intc-
gritie of life of a lay man, was such a lord chauncellour, as
England never had the like ; so trew and blessed a confessor, in
joyfullie suffering disgrace, imprisonment, losse of goods and lands
for justice sake, as well as he may be compared to the ancient CM m-
fessors in that kinde. But his speciall and peerless prerogative
is, in that he died a martyr for the defence and preservation of
the unitie of the catholic church. And his martyrdome is so
famous and noble, that it is not inferior to the martyrdome of
those that suffered because they would not denie the holie faith
of Christ : nay rather it soomcth to lie nimv estoomod. For as
the learned and great clerk c- Dionisius of Alexandria writi-tli.
9 De unitate ccclesiceJ] Sec the passage quoted at p. 1 0 1 .

SIR THOMAS MORE. 181

" that martyrdome (saith he) that a man suffereth to preserve
the unitie of the church that it may not be broken and rent, is
worthie no less commendations, but rather more, than the mar-
tyrdome that a man suffereth, because he will not sacrifice to
idols : for in this cause a man doth die to save his owne soule ;
in the other for the whole church." Therefore he is a happie and
blessed martyr ; and a martyr in a cause, that nearer toucheth
religion, and the whole faith, than doth the death of the blessed
martyrs, Thomas of Dover, and Thomas of Canterburie : (under
pardon of those saints be it spoken, for I intend not the dimi-
nution of their glorious deaths). The first was slain of the French
men landing at Dover in his monasterie. All his fellowes being
fled, he being taken, and urged to reveal to them where the trea-
sure and Jewells of the church were, which he denying, by them
was massacred. Afterwards God by him shewed manie miracles.
The second was, and is ever taken for a verie worthie martyr
of the whole church of God, and even of king Henry the second
also ; for whose displeasure, though by chance, not by his com-
mandment, he was slaine. Albeit we have of late (God give us
his grace to repent, and see our folie and impietie !) unshrined
him !, and buried his holie relicks ; and have made him, after so
manie hundred yeares, a traytor to the king 2, who honoured him
for a blessed saint, as did all the kings his successors : yet as we
said, there is no great ods in their martyrdomes. For though
the king, for the displeasure he bare to the pope, for that he
maintained and defended Saint Thomas, did for a little while
abrogate the popes authoritie ; and went about afore to cut off
and abridge some appeals, wont to be made to the sea of Rome ;
yet neither did the king take upon him the supremacie, nor in
hart misliked to let the pope have it ; but shortlie restored the
pope to his former authoritie, and revoked all his other misdoings.
So in Sir Thomas More there is deeper cause of martyrdome
than in either of these twaine. For Sir Thomas died directlie
and onelie for the defence and unitie of the catholic church.

1 Unshrined Mm.'] See Burnet's History, pt. i. book iii. ed. Nares, vol. i.
p. 393.

2 Traytor to the king.'] By an act of Henry VIII. Becket's name was
ordered to be struck out of the calendar, and the office for his festivity
to be dashed out of all breviaries, and that this injunction was very generally
obeyed in England the mutilations and erasures in the existing MSS. suffi-
ciently attest.

182 SIR THOMAS MORE,

Howbeit there was great conformitie, both in birth and place,
being both born in London : in their names, for they were both
Thomas : their offices, for both were high chauncellours of Eng-
land ; and in this when Saint Thomas of Canterburie his trou-
bles beganne, he came to the king carrying his cross himself, not
suffering anie other to carrie it ; and in that Sir Thomas More,
when his great troubles grew first on him, carried the crosse in
procession in his parish church at Chelsey ; and both Thomases
ever after, though not the materiall, yet the true crosse of tribu-
lation. In this was some conformitie, that Sir Thomas More-
died according to his desire upon the eve3 of Saint Thomas <>t
Canterburie: but some diversitie there was, as well in that we
have shewed, as in that Saint Thomas of Canterburie, defending
the dignitie and priviledge of the church, suffered without any
judgment or form of justice in his owne cathedrall church, there
his consecrated head being cloven in pieces. Sir Thomas More
was condemned with pretended justice, which aggravated the
iniquitie of the fact, in Westminster Hall. The other was a
bishopp and suffered in his church. Sir Thomas More, a tem-
porall judge, had sentence given against him, where he and his
father before him had ministered justice most uprightlie ; and in
that place, wherein few yeares before, he had received such u
praise, even by the kings owne commandment, as lightlie had not
been given to anie other. Sir Thomas his head, for defending
the right head of the church, was cut off by him that tooke the
prerogative of Saint Peter and his successors, and set it upon his
owne head. Sir Thomas his head was set upon the bridge of the
citie where he was borne and brought up, uppon a high pole : a
ruthfull spectacle for all good citizens ; and much more lamentable
there to see his head, than it wras to the Romans, to see the head
of Marcus Tullius Cicero set up in the said citie, where he had by
his eloquent orations preserved manie innocents from danger and
perill. And yet Sir Thomas his head had not so high a place on
the pole, as hath his blessed soule amongst the celestiall quiers of
angells in heaven. Wherefore we may be bold to pray, that (MM!
will through the merits and intercessions of this glorious martyr.

The eve.] i. e. July 6, the eve of the translation of St. Thomas.
Thomas's day is the 9th of December, but the translation, owing perhaps to
its being at a more favourable season, was much observed by pilgrims.
Somner says, that on that day, in 1420, being the sixth jubilee, a hundred
thousand strangers visited Becket's tomb.

SIR THOMAS MORE. 183

cast his pitifull eye of grace upon us, and reduce us to the unitie
of his holie church, for the defence whereof Sir Thomas More in
his holie sight suffered a precious death ! Therefore O most
blessed Grod, for the merits of this holie martyr Saint Thomas, of
thy infinite goodness, graunt this poor land thy holie grace, to
acknowledge their present miserie, and to retourne again unto the
bosom of thy holie spouse, the holy catholick church, through our
Lord Jesus Christ ! Amen.

19. The description of Sir Thomas More according to the relation
of those who best knew him 4, and his Picture which was drawn
when he was Chauncellour.

Sir Thomas More was no tall man ; all the parts of his bodie 5
were in good proportion, and congruous as a man could wish.
His skinne was something white ; the colour of his face drewe
rather to whiteness then to paleness, farr from redness, saving
that some little red sparkes everie where appeared. His hair was
blackish yellow, or rather yellow blackish ; his beard thynne ; his
eyes grey and speckled ; which kinde of eies do commonlie betoken
a good and sharpe witt, and as phisitians say, are least combered
with diseases and faults ; his were not great, nor yet glittering,
yet much pleasing. His countenance 6 was conformable to his
nature and disposition, pleasant and amiable, somewhat resembling
and tending to the fashion of one that would seem to smile. His
voice was neither boysterous nor bigg; nor yet too small and
shrill ; he spake his wordes verie distinctlie and treatable, without
anie manner of hastines or stuttering ; and albeit he delited in all
kinde of melodie, yet he seemed not of his owne nature to be apt
to sing himselfe. He enjoyed the health of his bodie verie well :
and although he was never a strong man, yet was he able to goe
through with anie laboure and paines meet and convenient for
him to dispatch his busines. A little before he gave over his
office of high chauncellourship, he beganne to be troubled with a

4 Who best knew him.'] These particulars are taken from the MS. Life by
Harpsfield.

5 Parts of his bodie. ~] "Dexter humerus paulo videtur eminentior laevo,
prsesertim cum incedit, id quod illi non accidit natura, sed assuetudine." —
Erasmi EpistoL

6 His countenance, .] See his portrait by Holbein, in the collection published
by Chamberlayne from the original drawings belonging to her Majesty.

184 SIR THOMAS MORE.

little sicknes ; and after he was shut up in the Tower it much
encreased. When he was a young man, he used and delighted in
drinking of water ; his common drinke was verie small ale ; and
as for wine he did but sipp of it, and that onlie for companies
sake, or for pledging his friends. He delighted more to feed
upon beef, and salt meats, coarse bread, and that verie well
levened, than upon fine meats and bread. He loved well milke,
and fruit, and especiallie eggs. He had a great pleasure to behold
the forme and fashion of beasts and fowles. There was not lightlie
anie kind of birds, that he had not in his house. He kept an
ape, a fox, a wesill, a ferritt, and other beasts more rare. It'
there had been anie strange thing brought out of other countries,
and worthie to be looked on, he was desirous to buie it ; and all
this was to the contentation and pleasure of such as came to
him ; and himself now and then would make his recreation in
beholding them.

Here followeth the translation of his epitaph, which he wrote
in Latin, and would have it placed in his tomb of stone, which
himself, while he was lord chauncellour, caused to be made in his
parish church of Chelsey, where he dwelled.

" THOMAS MORE a Londoner, born of no noble family, but of
an honest stocke ; somewhat brought up in learning : after that in
his young daies, he had been a pleader in the lawes certaine yeares,
being one of the under sheriffs of London ; was of noble king
Henerie the eighth (which alone of all kings worthilie deserved,
both with sworde and penne to be called defender of the faith, a
glorie before not heard of) called into the Court, and chosen one
of the Counsell, and made Knight : then made Under Treasurer
of England, after Chauncellour of the Duchy of Lancaster, and
last of all, with great favour of his Prince, Lord Chauncellour of
England. But in the meane season, he was chosen Speaker of
the Parliament ; and besides was divers times, in divers places
the kings ambassadour ; and last of all at Cameray, joyned fellnwr
and companion with Cuthbert Tunstall, (chief of that embas.-
bishopp of London, and within a while after bishopp of Durham.
who so excelleth in learning, witt, and virtue, that the wlmlc
world scant hath at this day, anie more learned, wiser, or better)
where he both joyfullie sawe and was present embassadour, when

SIR THOMAS MORE. 185

the leagues between the chiefe princes of Christendome were
renewed, and peace, so long looked for, restored to Christendome :
which peace O Lord, stable, and make perpetuall ! When he had
thus gone through this course of offices or honours, and neither
the gratious prince could disallow his doings, nor he was odious to
the nobilitie, nor unpleasant to the people, but yet to theeves,
murtherers, and hereticks, grievous : at last John More his father,
knight, and chosen of the prince to be one of the justices of the
Kings Bench, a civill man, pleasant, harmless, gentle, pitifull,
just, and uncorrupted, in yeares old, but in bodie (more then for
his yeares) lustie ; after that he perceaved his life so long length-
ened, that he sawe his sonne Lord Chauncellour of England,
thinking himself now to have lived long enough, gladlie departed
to God. His sonne then, his father being dead, to whom as long
as he lived being compared, he was wont both to be called yonge,
and himself so thought too, missing now his father departed, and
seeing fower children of his owne, and of their ofsprings eleven,
beganne in his owne conceite to wax olde : and this thought of
his was encreased by a certaine sicklie disposition of his breast,
even by and by following as a signe or token of age creeping upon
him. He therefore, irked and wearie of worldlie busines, giving
up his promotions, attained at last by the incomparable benefitt
of his most gentle prince (if it please God to favour his enter-
prise) that thing, which in a manner from a child he alwaies
wished and desired ; that he might have some yeares of his life
free, in which he little and little withdrawing himself from the
busines of this life, might continuallie remember the immortallitie
of the life to come.

" And he hath caused this tomb to be made for himself (his
first wife's bones brought hither too), that might everie day put
him in minde of death, that never ceaseth to creepe on him. And
that this tomb, made for him in his life time, be not in vaine ;
nor that he feare death coming upon him, but he may willinglie,
for the desire of Christ, die and finde death, not utterlie death to
him, but the gate of a welthier life, help him (I beseech you, good
reader) now with your prayers while he liveth, and when he is
dead also."

Finis.

Laus Deo, beatseque Virgin! Marise.

WILLIAM TINDALL.

Will the wise of the world, trow ye, put their most deare friends and ten-
derly-beloved children into their enemies hands to kill, slay, burn ? — That is
a madnesse unto them above all madnesse. — And yet doth God use this
order ; and this is an high and singuler wisdome in his sight, which the
world taketh to bee most extreame madnesse.

JOHN ROGERS.

WILLIAM TINDALL.

WILLIAM TINDALL * the faithfull minister and constant martyr
of Christ, was borne about the border's of Wales, and brought up
from a childe in the universitie of Oxford, where he by long con-
tinuance grew up, and increased as well in the knowledge of
tongues, and other liberal arts, as specially in the knowledge of
the scriptures, whereunto his mind was singularlie addicted :
insomuch that hee lying then in Magdalene Hall, read privily to
certaine students and fellowes of Magdalen Colledge, some par-
cell of divinitie ; instructing them in the knowledge and truth of
the scriptures. Whose maners also and conversation being cor-
respondent to the same, were such, that they that knew him,
reputed and esteemed him to be a man of the most vertuous dis-
position, and of life unspotted.

Thus he in the universitie of Oxford increasing more and more
in learning, and proceeding in degrees of the schooles, spying his
time, remooved from thence to the universitie of Cambridge,
where after he had likewise made his abode a certaine space,
being now further ripened in the knowledge of Gods word,
leaving that universitie also, hee resorted to one maister Welch
a knight of Glocester shire, and was there schoolemaister to his
children, and in good favour with his maister. This gentleman,
as hee kept a good ordinarie commonly at his table, there resorted
to him many times sundry abbots, deanes, archdeacons, with
divers other doctors and great beneficed men ; who there together
with M. Tindall sitting at the same table, did use many times to
enter communication and talke of learned men, as of Luther and

1 TindalL~] alias Hitchins.

190 WILLIAM TINDALL.

of Erasmus : also of divers other controversies and questions
upon the scripture.

Then maister Tindall as he was learned and well practised in
Gods matters, so hee spared not to shew unto them simply and
plainly his judgement : and when they at any time did vary from
Tindall in opinions and judgement, he would shew them in the
booke, and lay plainly before them the open and manifest places
of the scriptures, to confute their errors, and confirme his sayings.
And thus continued they for a certaine season, reasoning and
contending together divers and sundry times, till at length they
waxed weary, and bare a secret grudge in their hart a
him.

Not long after this, it happened that certaine of these gr
doctors had invited M. Welch and his wife to a banket ; when-
they had talke at will and pleasure, uttering their blindnesse and
ignorance without any resistance or gainesaying. Then M.
\\Ylch and his wife coming home and calling for M. Tindall.
began to reason with him about those matters, whereof the
priests had talked before at their banket. M. Tindall answering
by scriptures, maintained the truth, and reproved their false
opinions. Then saide the Lady Welch, a stout and a
woman (as Tindall reported), "Well" (saide shee) "then- was
such a doctour which may dispend a hundred pounds, and an
other two hundred pounds, and an other three hundred pounds,
and what ; were it reason, thinke you, that we should be I
you before them ?" Maister Tindall gave her no answere at that
time ; and also after that (because he saw it would not avail)
he talked but little in those matters. At that time he was about
the translation of a booke called Enc]iiri<H<>n mi Jilt* ( /trinfitini*,
which being translated he delivered to his maisttT and ladv.
Who after they had read and well perused the same, the doctor] \
prelates were no more so often called to the hou>e. neither
had they the cheere and countenance when they came, a- I M -fore
they had. Which thing they marking and well perceiving, and
supposing no lesse but it came by the means of maister Tindall.
refrained themselves, and at last utterlie withdrew*- themse]\«-s.
;md came no more there.

As this grew on, the priests of the count rev clustering neither.

- Mililis Cfirisfifini.'] A celebrated and valuabl.
/.»/'• qfColet, afoovr. vol. i. p. 44(5.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 191

began to grudge and storme against Tindall, railing against him
in alehouses and other places. Of whome Tindall himselfe in his
prologue before the first book of Moses, thus testifieth in his
owne wordes, and reporteth, " that he suffered much in that
country by a sorte of unlearned priestes, being full rude and
ignorant (sayth hee) God knoweth ; which have seene no more
Latine than that onelie which they read in their portesses and
missalles 3 : (which yet manie of them can scarsely reade 4)

3 Portesses and missallesJ] The Portesse, Portuas, Porthose, &c., so called
from the Fr. porter, consisted of a volume of prayers, offices, &c , which the
clergy might take along with them as a ready Manual for all ordinary occur-
rences. It was the same book which is now denominated a breviary. See
note at p. 316 of vol. i.

A missal is a volume containing all things belonging to the service of the
mass.

" Nicolas. But fare well. Mass will be done, or I come. Oliver. It makes
no matter for one day. I will read thee a piece of the Scripture, insteede of
thy Masse. Nicol. I care not for the Scripture : and Sir John bad me beware
of it, for it would make me an heretique. Oliv. Sir John then readeth not
the Scripture? Nicol. No: he saith he wil meddle no further than his
Portas. Oliv. The Scripture is God's word, opened to us from heaven by

the holie prophetes, apostles, and Christe himselfe And as for his

Portas, ther is in it a meany of lies, craftily coined, to deceive such unstable
soules as delight in blindnes, deceived themselves, and deceiving other." —
Michael Wood's Dialogue, or familiar talk. Signat. D 8. A.D. 1554.

By the statute 3 and 4 Edw. VI. cap. 10, all Antiphoners, missals, grailes,
processionals, manuals, legends, pies, portuasses, primers, in Latin or English,
couchers, journals, ordinals, and all other books were abolished.

4 Can scarsely reade.~] Thus Tindal, in his Answer to Sir Thomas Mora's
Dialogue (A.D. 1530, Works, p. 278), does not scruple to affirm, "Yea, and
true, I dare say, that there be twenty thousand priests and curates this day
in England, and not so few, that cannot give you the right English unto this
text in the Pater Noster, Fiat voluntas tua, sicut in co2lo, et in terra, and
answere thereto." And long after, even so late as in 1554, in the Injunctions
of Bonner, bishop of London, art. 6, concerning archdeacons, &c., the arch-
deacons are strictly required " diligentlie to instructe and teache the priestes
and curates, especiallie, amonges other thynges to lyve vertuouslie, honestlie,
and well ; and to understande and knowe perfectlie the words of the canon of
the mass, and the forme and order of sacramentes, especiallie of baptism; and
chieflie in those wordes and thinaes which are of the substance of the sacra-
ment, in any wise." Thus we have a virtual, authoritative, and unquestion-
able confession, that the worship of God, their divine service, performed in
an unknown tongue, was indeed a " dead letter," wholly unedifying to many
of the clergy, not less than to the laity. These were the fruits which they
reaped from the obstinacy of controversy, and the hardening, barbarizing
influence of an abused authority and pride and power. Such was the retri-

192 WILLIAM TINDALL.

except it bee Albertus de secretis mulierum, in which yet though
they bee never so sorily learned, they pore day and night, and
make notes therein, and all to teach the midwives, as they saie :
and also an other called Lynwood *, a booke of constitutions to
gather tythes, mortuaries, offerings, customes, and other pillage
which they call not theirs, but Gods part, the dutie of holie
church, to discharge their consciences withal. For they are
bound that they shall not diminish but encrease all things unto the
uttermost of their powers, which pertaine to holie church/"1 Thus
these blind and rude priests flocking together to the .aid,
(for that was their preaching place) raged and railed against him,
affirming that his sayings were heresie : adding moreover unto
his sayings of their own heads, more than ever he spake, and so
accused him secretlie to the chancelor, and other of the bishops
officers.

It followed not long after this, that there was a sitting of the
bishops chauncellour appointed, and warning was given to the
priests to appear ; amongst whome M. Tindall was also warn*
be there. And whether hee had anie misdoubt by their thr« at-
enings, or knowledge given him that they would lay some things
to his charge, it is uncertaine ; but certaine this is (as he him-
selfe declared) that he doubted their privie accusation ; so that
he by the waie in going thitherwards, cried in his mind hartilie
to God, to give him strength fast to stand in the truth of his
word.

Then when the time came of his appearance before the chan-

bution, which in their pertinacious adherence to the infallible decrees of
popes, and councils, and provincial synods, they were content to suffer in
themselves and their people, and sought to inflict and bind for ever upon the
Reformers, whom they called heretics, and upon England, to all future >.
rations ! — In this state of things, we shall the less wonder, that " a great
many of the popish clergie tooke the chaunge of our church service from I
into English so greavously, for none other cause, such greate clerkes they were,
but that when they were put to it, they could read no English" — Novell's
Reproof of Dorman's Disproof, fol 17. They had been hardly tasked, and
harshly schooled once under the rod of Bonner's Injunctions, and it was too
much to put them down again in the school of Christ, and to cause these
" greate clerkes," in their mature years, to become once more as it
" little children," even though it were to learn to rend their mother ton^'

* Lynwood.~\ "William Lindwood'fl Provinciate seu Constitution
libris V. It contains the Constitutions of fourtc en arch
ton to Chicheley inclusive. See Fuller's Church History, pp. 1 75, G.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 193

cellor, he threatend him grievously, reviling and rating him as
though he had been a dog, and laid to his charge many
things, wherof no accuser yet could bee brought forth (as
commonly their maner is, not to bring forth the accuser) not-
withstanding that the priests of the country the same time were
there present. — And thus M. Tindall, after those examinations
escaping out of their hands, departed home and returned to his
master againe.

There dwelt not far off a certain doctor that had bin an old
chancellor before to a bishopp, who had been of olde familiar
acquaintance with M. Tindall, and also favoured him wel. Unto
whom M. Tindall went and opened his mind upon divers ques-
tions of the scripture : for to him he durst be bolde to disclose
his heart. Unto whom the doctor said ; " Do you not know
that the pope is very antichrist, whom the scripture speak eth of?
But beware what you say ; for if you shall be perceived to be of
that opinion, it will cost you your life :" and said moreover, " I
have bin an officer of his ; but I have given it up, and defie him
and all his workes."

It was not long after, but M. Tindall happened to be in the
company of a certain divine, recounted for a learned man, and
in communing and disputing with him, he drave him to that
issue, that the said great doctor burst out into these blasphe-
mous words, and said ; " We were better to be without Gods
lawes then the popes6." Master TindaH hearing this, full of
godly zeale, and not bearing that blasphemous saying, replyed
againe and said ; " I defie the pope and all his lawes :" and
further added, that if God spared him life, ere many yeares he
would cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more of the
scripture than he did.

6 Without Gods lawes then the popes.'] This was by no means an unpre-
cedentedly daring and enthusiastic flight. If we may believe Erasmus, it was
among other subjects debated commonly in the schools in solemn disputations,
" Whether the Pope could abrogate that which was decreed by the Apostles ; or
determine that which was contrary to the evangelical doctrine ; or make a new
article in the Creed; Whether he had a greater power than St. Peter, or only
equal ? Whether he can command angels ? Whether he can only take away
Purgatory ? Whether he be a mere man, or as God participates both natures
with Christ ? Whether he be not more merciful than Christ was, since we do not
read that HE ever recalled any from the pains of Purgatory ?" — Erasmus's
Annotat. on 1 Timothy, c. i. ver. 6.

VOL. ii. o

194 WILLIAM TINDALL.

After this, the grudge of the priests increasing still more
and more against Tindall, they never ceased barking and
rating at him ; and laide manie sore things to his charge,
saying that he was an hereticke in sophistry, an hereticke in
logicke, an hereticke in divinitie ; and said moreover to him.
that he bare himselfe bolde of the gentlemen there in that
countrey : but notwithstanding, shortly he should be otherwise
talked withall. To whom M. Tindall answering againe thus
saide, " that he was contented they should bring him into any
country in all England, giving him ten pounds a yeere to live
with, and binding him to no more but to teach children and to
preach."

To be short, M. Tindall being so molested and vexed in the
country by the priests, was constrained to leave that country and
to seeke an other place : and so comming to M. Welch, hee de-
sired him of his good will, that he might depart from him. saying
on this wise to him : " Sir I perceive I shall not be suffered to
tarrie long here in this country, neither shall you be able f hough
you would, to keepe me out of the hands of the spiritualty, and
also what displeasure might growe thereby to you by keeping me.
God knoweth : for the which I should be right sorrie." So that
in fine, M. Tindall with the good will of his master, departed ;
and eftsoones came up to London, and there preached awhile.
according as he had done in the country before, and specially
about the town of Bristow, and also in the said towne, in the
common place called S. Austines Greene.

At length he bethinking himself of Cuthbert Tonstal then
bishop of London, and especially for the great commendation of
Erasmus 7, who in his annotations so extolleth him for his learn-
ing, thus cast with himselfe, that if hee might attain unto his
service hee were a happie man. And so comming to sir Henry
Gilford the kings controller, and bringing with him an oration of
Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greek into Eng-
lish, he desired him to speake to the said bishop of London for
him. Which he also did, and willed him moreover to write an
epistle to the bishop, and to go himselie with him. Which In-

7 Of Erasmus.] " As I this thought, the byshop of London came t<>
remembraunce, whom Erasmus (whose tongue maketh of little gnats great
elephants, and lifteth up above the stars whosoever giveth him a 1
bition) prayseth exceedingly in his Annotations on the New T<
Timlal's Works, p. 2.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 195

did likewise, and delivered his epistle to a servant of his, named
William Hebilthwaite 8, a man of his old acquaintance. But
God, who secretlie disposeth the course of things, sawe that was
not the best for Tindal's purpose, nor for the profit of his church ;
and therefore gave him to find little favour in the bishops sight.
The answere of whom was this, that his house was full ; he had
mo then he could well finde, and advised him to seeke in Lon-
don abroad, where he said he could lacke no service. And so
remained he in London 9 the space almost of a yeare, beholding
and marking with himselfe the course of the world, and espe-
cially the demeanour of the preachers, how they boasted them-
selves and set up their authoritie and kingdom ; beholding also
the pompe of the prelates, with other things moe which greatlie
misliked him : in so much that he understood, not onely there to
be no rowme in the bishops house for him to translate the new
testament : but also that there was no place to do it in all Eng-
land. And therefore finding no place for his purpose within the
realms, and having some aid and provision by God^s providence

8 Hebilthwaite.'] Whose physiognomy appears to have attracted the par-
ticular attention of the famous Dr. Nicholas Wotton. See Mr. Fraser Tytler's
Collection of Letters, vol. i.

9 And so remained he in London.'] We have an account of Tindall's habits
at this time, in a letter to Cardinal Wolsey and the rest of the Council,
written from the Tower by Humfrey Mummoth or Monmouth, then in con-
finement there.

" Four yeres and a half past, and more, I herde the foresaid Sir William
(Tlndall) preach two or three sermones at St. Donstones in the West in Lon-
don : and after that, I chanced to meet with him ; and with communication
I examined what lyvings he had. He said * he had none at all ; but he trusted
to be with my Lord of London in his service.' And therefore I had the better
fantasy to him. And afterward he went to my Lord, and spake to him, as
he told me. And my Lord of London answered him, ' that he had chaplaines
inough ; and he said to him, that he would have no more at that tyme."
And so the priest came to me againe, and besought me to help him. And so
I took him into my house half a yere : and there he lived like a good priest, as
me-thought. He studied most part of the day, and of the night, at his book.
And he would eat but sodden meat by his goodwil; nor drink but small
single beer. I never saw him weare linen about him, in the space he was
with me. I did promys him ten pounds sterling, to praie for my father and
mother their sowles, and al Christen sowles. I did paie it him, when he made
his exchange to Hamborow," &c. Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. i. p.
246. Appendix. Also, compare Fox, p. 909. edit. 1610.

o 2

196 WILLIAM TINDALL.

ministered unto him by Humphrey Mummoth *, and certain^
other good men, hee tooke his leave of the realme, and departed
into Germany. Where the good man being inflamed with a
tender care and zeale of his country, refused no travell nor dili-
gence how by all ineanes possible, to reduce his brethren and
countrimen of England to the same taste and understanding of
Gods holy word and veritie, which the Lord had indued him
withall.

Whereupon he considering in his mind, and partly also con-
ferring with John Frith, thought with himselfe no wray more to

1 By Humphrey Mummoth.'] " Of this Humfrey Mummuth we reade of a
notable example of Christian patience, in the sermons of Master Latimer,
which the saide Latimer heard at Cambridge of master Stafford, reader of the
Divinity lecture in that University; who expounding the place of Saint Paul
to the Romans, that we shall overcome our enemies with well doing, and so
heupe hot coales upon his head, he brought in an example ; saying, " that
he knew in London a great rich merchant" (meaning this Humphrey
Mummuth), " which had a verie poore neighbour : yet for all his povertie he
loved him verie well, and lent him monie at his need, and let him come to his
table whensoever he would. It was even at that time when Doctor Collet was
in trouble, and would have bene burnt if God had not turned the Kings heart
to the contrarie. Now the rich man began to be a scripture man ; he began
to smell the gospell. The poore man was a Papist still.

" It chanced on a time, when the rich man talked of the gospell sitting at
his table, where he reproved Poperie, and such kind of things, the poore man
tooke a great displeasure against the rich man, insomuch that he would come
no more to his house, he would borrow no more money of him, as he was
wont to do before times ; yea and conceived such hatred and malice against
him, that he went and accused him before the bishops. Now the rich man,
not knowing of any such displeasure, offered many times to talke with him,
and to set him at quiet. It would not be. The poore man had such a sto-
macke, that he would not vouchsafe to speake with him. If he met the riche
man in the street, he would go out of his way. One time it happened that
he met him in so narrow a street, that he could not avoid but come nere him :
yet for all that, this poore man (I say) had such a stomacke against the rich
man, that he was minded to go forwarde and not to speake to him. The rich
man perceiving that, caught him by the hande, and asked him, saying,
* Neighbour, what is come into your heart to take such displeasure with me ?
What have I done against you ? Tell me, and I will be readie at all times to
make you amends.'

" Finally, he spake so gently, so charitably, lovingly, and friendly, that it
wrought so in the poore man's heart, that bye and bye he fell downe upon
his knees, and asked him forgiveness. The riche man forgave him, ai
tooke him againe to his favour; and they loved as well as ever they did
afore." I p. 9<>9.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 197

conduce thereunto, than if the scripture were turned into the
vulgar speech, that the poore people might also reade and see
the simple plaine word of God. For first he wiselie casting in
his mind perceived by experience, how that it was not possible to
stablish the laie people in anie truth, except the scripture were
so plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue 2, that
they might see the processe, order, and meaning of the text : for
else whatsoever truth should be taught them, these enemies of
the truth would quench it againe, either with apparent reasons
of sophistry, and traditions of their own making, founded with-
out all ground of scripture ; either else juggling with the text,
expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it were to gather of
the text, if the right proces, order and meaning thereof were
seen.

Againe, right well he perceived and considered, this onely, or
most chiefly to be the cause of all mischiefe in the church, that
the scriptures of God were hidden from the peoples eyes : for so
long the abhominable doings and idolatries maintained by the
pharisaicall clergy could not be espied ; and therefore all their
labour was with might and maine to keep it downe, so that
either it should not be read at all, or if it were they would
darken the right sense with the mist of their sophistry, and so
entangle them which rebuked or despised their abhominations,
with arguments of philosophic, and with worldlie similitudes, and
apparant reasons of naturall wisdome ; and with wresting the
scripture unto their owne purpose, contrarie unto the processe,
order and meaning of the text, would so delude them in descant-
ing upon it with allegories, and amaze them, expounding it in
manie senses laide before the unlearned laie people, that though

2 In their mother tongue.~\ " It is not much above an hundred yeare ago,
since scripture hath not been accustomed to be read in the vulgar tongue, or
in English, within this realm" (the grand prevention and prohibition of this
blessing was occasioned by the constitutions of archbishop Arundel in the
year 1408): "and many hundred years before that, it was translated and
read in the Saxon tongue, which at that time was our mother tongue :
whereof there remain yet diverse copies, found lately in old abbies, of such
antique manner of writing and speaking, that few men now be able to read
and understand them. — And when this language waxed old, and out of com-
mon usage, because folke should not lacke the fruit of reading the scripture,
it was again translated" (viz., by Wickliffe) "into the newer language;
whereof also yet many copies remain and be daily found." Prologue to Arch-
bishop Cranmer's Bible, A.D. 1540.

198 WILLIAM TINDALL.

thou felt in thy heart, and wert sure that all were false that they
said, yet couldst thou not solve their subtile riddles.
- For these and such other considerations, this good man was
moved (and no doubt stirred up of God) to translate the scrip-
ture into his mother tongue, for the publicke utilitie and profit
of the simple vulgar people of the country : first setting in hand
with the new Testament, which hee first translated 3 about the

3 Which hee first translated] More correctly in the year 1526. For we find
by a mandate issued by archbishop Warham to the suffragan bishops of his
province, bearing date Nov. 3, in that year, that there were copies of two
editions at the least, some with, others without marginal annotations, then
in circulation : for all which he directs inquisition to be made, and that the
copies be immediately burned. In the same mandate, The parable of the
Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christian Man, and An Introduction to
the Epistle to the Romans, all written by William Tindall, together with several
more English Tracts, and others in Latin by Luther, Zuinglius, Brentius,
&c. are prohibited. Wilkins's Concilia, vol. ifc. p. 706, 7.

It was probably about the latter end of the year 1526, or in the next year,
that a large parcel of these New Testaments were burnt at St. Paul's Cross
by the order of bishop Tonstal; of which Fox gives the following account.

" The New Testament began first to be translated by William Tyndall, and
so came forth in print, about the yeere of our Lord 1529 (1526) : wherewith
Cuthbert Tonstall bishop of London, with Sir Thomas More, being sore
agreeved, devised how to destroy that false erroneous translation, as he called
it. It happened that one Augustin Packington a mercer, was then at Ant-
werp, where the bishop was. This man favoured Tyndall, but shewed the
contrarie unto the bishop. The bishop being desirous to bring his purpose
to passe, communed how that he would gladly buy the New Testaments.
Packington hearing him say so, said; My lord, I can doe more in this
matter than most merchants that be here, if it bee your pleasure. For I know
the Dutchmen and strangers that have bought them of Tyndall, and have
them here to sell ; so that if it be your Lordship's pleasure, I must disburse
money to pay for them, or else I can not have them : and so I will assure you
to have everie booke of them that is printed and unsold.' The bishop think-
ing he had the matter secured, said, * Doe your diligence, gentle master
Packington ; get them for me, and I will pay whatsoever they cost : for I
intend to burne and destroy them all at Paules Cross.' This Augustine
Packington went unto William Tindall, and declared the whole matter ; and so
upon compact made betweene them, the bishop of London had the bookes,
Packington the thankes, and Tyndall had the money. After this, Tindall
corrected the same New Testaments againe, and caused them to be newly im-
printed, so that they came thicke and threefold over into England. When
the bishopp perceived that, he sent for Packington, and said to him. '
rommeth this that there are so many New Testaments abroad? You pro-
mised me that you would buy them all.' Then answered Packin
' Surely I bought al that was to be had. But I perceive that they

WILLIAM TINDALL. 199

yeare of our Lord 1527. After that, he took in hand to trans-
late the olde Testament, finishing the five bookes of Moses *,
with sundry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before
every one, most worthy to be read and read againe of all good
Christians : as the like also he did upon the new Testament.

He wrote also divers other workes under sundry titles, amongst
the which is that most worthy monument of his, intituled, The
obedience of a Christian man : wherein with singular dexterity he

printed more since. I see it will never be better, so long as they have letters
and stamps : wherefore you were best to buy the stamps too ; and so you
shall be sure.' At which answere the bishop smiled : and so the matter
ended.

"In short space after it fortuned, that George Constantine was appre-
hended by Sir Thomas More, which was then chancellour of England, sus-
pected of certaine heresies. During the time that he was in the custodie of
master More, after divers communications, amongst other things master
More asked of him saying, ' Constantine, I would have thee be plaine with
mee in one thing that I will aske, and I promise thee I will shew thee favour
in all other things, whereof thou art accused. There is beyond the sea
Tindall, Joye, and a great many of you ; I know they cannot live without
helpe ; There are some that helpe and succour them with money, and thou
being one of them hadst thy parte thereof, and therefore knowest from
whence it came. I praye thee tell me, who be they that helpe them thus ? '
' My lorde,' quoth Constantine, * I will tell you truly : it is the bishop of
London, that hath holpen us ; for he hath bestowed amongst us a great deal
of monie upon New Testaments to burn them, and that hath bene and yet is
our onlie succour and comfort.' * Now by the truth,' quoth More, * I think
even the same ; for so much I tolde the bishop, before he went about it.' "
Fox's Acts, p. 929.

Anne Boleyn's own copy of Tindal's translation of "The Newe Testament,
imprinted at Antwerp by Marten Emperour, Anno M.D. xxxiiij." is still ex-
tant among the books bequeathed, in 1799, to the British Museum, by the
Rev. C. M. Cracherode. It is upon vellum, illuminated. Upon the gilding
of the leaves, in a red letter, are the words ANNA REGINA ANGLIC. See
Ellis's Letters, 1st ser. vol. ii. p. 45, where is a letter from her to Cromwell, in
favour of Richard Herman of Antwerp, who had been expelled from the
English house there, on account of his " helpe to the settyng forthe of the
Newe Testamente in Englisshe."

4 Tkefive bookes of Moses.'] This translation of the Pentateuch was printed
A.D. 1530. It was done from the Hebrew. In the following year he pub-
lished, with a large Prologue prefixed, a translation of the prophet Jonah ;
which completes the catalogue of Tindall's performances in translating the
Scriptures. In 1535 Coverdale, building upon what had before been done by
Tindall, first published the whole Bible in English, dedicating it to king
Henry VIII. See Lewis's Hist, of the English Translations of the Bible,
p. 72, &c. edit. 1739.

200 WILLIAM TINDALL.

instructeth all men in the office and duty of Christian obedience ;
with divers other treatises, as, The wicked Mammon ; The prac-
tice of prelates, with expositions upon certaine parts of the scrip-
ture, and other bookes also answering to Sir Thomas Mure and
other adversaries of the truth, no lesse delectable, then also most
fruitfull to be read : which partlie before being unknowne unto
many, partly also being almost abolished and worne out by time.
the printer hereof (good Reader) for conserving and restoring
such singular treasures, hath collected and set forth5 in print in
one generall volume, all and whole together ; as also the \\<>rk» -s
of John Frith, Barnes and other, as are to be seene most specbll
and profitable for thy reading.

These bookes of W. Tindall being compiled, published and sent
over into England, it cannot be spoken what a doore of light 6

5 Collected and set forth."] The book was published in folio, with a Preface
by John Fox, under the following title : " The whole workes of W. Tyndall,
John Frith, and Doctor Barnes, three worthy Martyrs and principall teachers
of this Churche of England, collected and compiled in one tome together, beyng
before scattered, fyc. London, printed by John Daye, an. 1573."

6 What a doore of light.~] Many of the tracts of Tindall, it is certain, may
still be read with great pleasure and profit. Unless perhaps we except Sir
Thomas More, he was the ablest English writer of his time. Of one of his
best and most popular works, The Obedience of a Christian Man, Strype has
preserved an anecdote so interesting, that I should do wrong, if I did not
assign a place to it in these pages.

"Upon the lady Anne" (Boleyn) "waited a fair young gentlewoman,
named Mrs. Gainsford : and in her service was also retained Mr. George
Zouch, father to Sir John Zouch. This gentleman, of a comely sweet person,
a Zouch indeed, was a suitor in way of marriage to the said young lady : and
among other love tricks, once he plucked from her a book in English, called
Tyndall's Obedience, which the lady Anne had lent her to read. About
which time the cardinal had given commandment to the prelates, and espe-
cially to Dr. Sampson, dean of the King's Chapel, that they should have a
vigilant eye over all people for such books that they came not abroad ; that
so much as might be, they might not come to the king's reading. Hut this
which he most feared fell out upon this occasion. For Mr. Zouch (I use the
word of the MS.) was so ravished with the Spirit of God speaking now as well
in the heart of the reader, as first it did in the heart of the maker of the book,
that he was never well, but when he was reading of that book. Mrs. Gaynsford
wept because she could not get the book from her lover ; and he was as ready
to \veep to deliver it. But see the providence of God ! Mr. Zouch standing
in the chapel before Dr. Sampson, ever reading upon this book, and the
(h ;m m-ver having his eye off the book in the gentleman's hands, culled him
to him, and then snatched the book out of his hand, asked his name, and

WILLIAM TINDALL. 201

they opened to the eies of the whole English nation, which before
were many yeeres shut up in darknesse.

whose man he was. And the book he delivered to the cardinal. In the
mean time the lady Anne asked her woman for the book. She on her knees
told all the circumstances. The lady Anne shewed herself not sorry nor
angry with either of the two. But, said she, ' Well, it shall be the dearest
book that ever the dean, or cardinal took away.' The noble woman goes to
the king, and upon her knees she desireth the kings help for the book.
Upon the kings token the book was restored. And now bringing the book
to him, she besought his grace most tenderly, to read it. The king did so,
and delighted in the book. f For,' saith he, " this book is for me and all
kings to read.' And in a little time the king, by the help of this virtuous lady,
by the means aforesaid, had his eyes opened to the truth, to search the truth,
to advance Gods religion and glory, to abhor the popes doctrine, his lies, his
pomp and pride, to deliver his subjects out of the Egyptian darkness, the
Babylonian bonds, that the pope had brought him and his subjects under.
And so contemning the threats of all the world, the power of princes, rebel-
lions of his subjects at home, and the raging of so many and mighty poten-
tates abroad, he set forward a reformation in religion, beginning with the
triple-crowned head at first, and so came down to the members, bishops,
abbots, priors, and such like." — Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. i. p. 112.
The reader of this book will see that it was calculated to have a very great
influence on the progress of public opinion ; and no wonder therefore that
the popish clergy did what they could to prevent its circulation.

An Italian translation of this tract, by Sebastiano Roccatagliata of Genoa,
which is dedicated to Sir Thomas Copley in 1559, is preserved among the
MSS. of the old Royal Library in the British Museum. (14 A. vi.)

Fox has given us an account of the manner in which another very cele-
brated reforming book fell into the king's hands, and of other attendant
circumstances, which I shall also beg leave to introduce. I apprehend that
these anecdotes point out more truly the intertexture of the events, and the
progress of the Reformation than many long discourses. The book was the
Supplication of Beggars, which was answered, in the year 1529, by Sir Thomas
More, then Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, in a tract intitled The
Supplication of Souls in Purgatory. Works, p. 288 — 339.

" Mr. Simon Fish was a gentleman of Grayes Inne. It happened the first
yeare that this gentleman came to London to dwell, which was about the
yeare of our Lord 1525, that there was a certaine play or interlude made by
one Mr. Roo of the same Inne, gentleman, in which play was matter against
the cardinall Wolsey. And where none durst take upon them to play that
parte, which touched the said cardinall, this foresaid master Fish tooke upon
him to do it; whereupon great displeasure ensued against him, upon the
cardinals part : Insomuch as he being pursued by the said cardinal, the said
night that this tragedie was played, was compelled of force to voide his owne
house, and so fled over the sea unto Tyndall. Upon occasion whereof the
next yeare following, this booke (the Supplication of Beggars) was made
(being about the yeare 1527), and so not long after, in the yeare (as I sup-

202 WILLIAM TINDALL.

At his first departing out of the realm, he tooke his journey
into the further parts of Germany, into Saxony, where he had

pose) 1 528, was sent over to the Ladie Anne Bulleine, who then lay at a place
not far from the court. Which booke her brother seeing in her hande, tooke
it and read it, and gave it her again, willing her earnestly to give it to the
king, which thing she so did.

" The king after he had received the booke, demanded of her who made it.
Whereunto she answered and said, a certain subject of his, one Fish, who
was fled out of the realme for fear of the cardinall. After the king had kept
the booke in his bosom three or four daies, as is credihlie reported, such
knowledge was given by the kings servantes, to the wife of the said Simon
Fish, that she might boldly send for her husband without all perill or danger.
Whereupon she thereby being incouraged, came first and made sute to the
king for the safe return of her husband. Who understanding whose wife
she was, shewed a mervellous gentle and cheareful countenance towards her,
asking where her husband was. She answered, ' If it like your grace not
farre off.' Then said he, ' Fetch him, and he shall come and go safe without
perill, and no man shall do him harme :' saying moreover, that he had much
wrong that he was from her so long ; who had beene absent now the space of
two yeares and a halfe. In the which meane time, the cardinal was dep
as was afore shewed, and master More set in his place of the chancellorship.

" Thus Fish's wife, being emboldened by the kings words, went imme-
diately to her husband, being lately come over, and lying privily within a
mile of the court, and brought him to the king, which appeareth to be about
the yeare of our Lord 1530. When the king saw him, and understood he
was the author of the booke, he came and embraced him with loving counte-
nance ; who after long talke, for the space of three or foure houres, a^
were riding together on hunting, at length dimitted him, and bade him take
home his wife, for she had taken great pains for him. Who answered the
king againe, and said, 'he durst not so do, for feare of Sir Thomas
then chancellor, and Stokesley then bishop of London.' The king taking
his signet off his finger, willed him to have him recommended to the lord
chancellor, charging him not to be so hardie as to worke him any h;
Master Fish receiving the kings signet, went and declared his message to the
lord chancellor, who took it as sufficient for his owne discharge ; but he
asked him if he had any thing for the discharge of his wife ; for she a little
before had by chance displeased the friers, for not suffering them to say their
gospels in Latin in her house, unlesse they would say it in English. \\
upon the lord chancellour, although he had discharged the man, \
not his grudge towards his wife, the next morning sent his man for 1
appcare before him, who, had it not been for her young daughter, who then
lay sicke of the plague, had been like to come to much trouble : of the which
plague, her husband, the said master Fi.sh deceasing within halfe a
afterward married one master James Bainham, Sir Alexander Bail;
sonne, a worshipfull knight of Gloucestershire; the which foresaid M
James Bainham, not long after was burned, as incontinently after in the
cesse of this storie shall appcare.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 203

conference with Luther, and other learned men in those quarters.
Where after he had continued a certain season, he came down
from thence into the Neatherlands, and had his most abiding in
the towne of Antwerpe, untill the time of his apprehension :
whereof more shall be said God willing hereafter.

Amongst his other bookes which he compiled, one worke he
made also for the declaration of the sacrament (as it was then
called) of the altar : the which he kept by him, considering how
the people were not as yet fully perswaded in other matters tend-
ing to superstitious ceremonies and grosse idolatry. Wherefore
he thought as yet the time was not come to put forth that worke ;
but rather that it should hinder the people from other instruc-
tions, supposing that it would seeme to them odious to heare any
such thing spoken, or set forth at that time, sounding against
their great goddesse Diana, that is, against their masse, being
had every where in great estimation, as was the goddesse Diana
amongst the Ephesians, whom they thought to come from heaven.

Wherefore M. Tindall being a man both prudent in his doings,
and no lesse zealous in the setting forth of Gods holie truth, after
such sort as it might take most effect with the people, did for-
beare the putting forth of that worke, not doubting but by Gods
mercifull grace, a time should come, to have that abhomination
openly declared, as it is at this present day : the Lord almightie
be alwaies praised therefore, Amen !

These godlie bookes of Tindall, and especially the new Testa-
ment of his translation, after that they began to come into mens
hands, and to spread abroad, as they wrought great and singular
profit to the godlie 7, so the ungodlie envying and disdaining that

" And thus much concerning Simon Fish, the authour of the booke of
beggars ; who also translated a booke called the Sum of the scripture out of
the Dutch." Fox's Acts, p. 924.

7 Profit to the godlie.'] The following anecdote exhibits strikingly the
eagerness and delight with which the Scriptures were received, and at the
same time, the bitter domestic trials and conflicts to which occasionally the
publication of them gave birth.

" One William Maldon happening in the company of John Fox, in the
beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, and Fox being very inquisitive
after those that suffered for religion in the former reign, asked him, if he
knew any that were persecuted for the gospel .... He told him he knew one
that was whipped by his own father in king Henry's reign. And when Fox
was very inquisitive who he was and what was his name, he confessed it was
himself; and upon his desire he wrote out all the circumstances. Namely,

204 WILLIAM TINDALL.

the people should be any thing wiser than they, and againe fearing
least by the shining beames of truth, their false hypocrisie and
workes of darkenesse should be discerned ; began to stir with no
small adoo, like as at the birth of Christ, Herode and all Jerusa-
lem was troubled with him. But especially Sathan the prince of
darkeness, maligning the happie course and successe of the gospcll,
set to his might also, how to impeach and hinder the bl<
travailes of that man : as by this, and also by sundry other waics
may appeare. For at what time Tindal had translated the fii't
book of Moses called Deuteronomium, minding to print the same
at Hamborough, he sailed thitherward ; where by the way upon

that 'when the king had allowed the Bible to be set forth, and to be read in
all churches, immediately several poor men in the town of Chelmsford in
Essex, where his father lived, and he was born, bought the New Testament,
and on Sundays sat reading it in the lower end of the church. Many would
flock about them to hear their reading; and he among the rest, being then
but fifteen years old, came every Sunday to hear the glad and sweet tidings
of the gospel. But his father observing it once angrily fetched him nway«
and would have him to say the Latin mattins with him ; which grieved him
much. And as he returned at other times to hear the Scripture read, his
father still would fetch him away. — This put him upon the thoughts of learn-
ing to read English, that so he might read the New Testament himself.
Which when he had by diligence effected, he and his father's apprentice
bought the New Testament, joining their stocks together; and to conceal it,
laid it under the bed-straw, and read it at convenient times. One night, his
tather being asleep, he and his mother chanced to discourse concerning the
crucifix, and the kneeling down to it, and knocking on the breast then
and holding up the hands to it, when it came by on procession. This he told
his mother was plain idolatry, and against the commandment of God, where
he saith, " Thou shalt not make any graven image, nor bow down to it, nor
worship it." His mother enraged at him for this, said, " Wilt thou not w< >;
the cross, which was about thee when thou wast christened, and must be laid
on thee when thou art dead ?" In this heat the mother and son departed, and
went to their beds. The sum of this conference she presently repeats t
husband, which he impatient to hear, and boiling in fury against his son, for
denying worship to be due to the cross, arose up forthwith, and goes into his
son's chamber, and taking him by the hair of his head with both his h
pulled him out of the bed, and whipped him unmercifully. And when the
young man bore this beating, as he related, with a kind of joy, consider
was for Christ's sake, and shed not a tear; his father, seeing that, was more
enraged, and ran down and fetched an halter, and put it about his neck, say-
ing he would hang him. At length, with much entreaty of the mother and
brother, he left him almost dead.' I extract this out of the original relation
of the person himself, which he gave to John '
mer, p. 64, 5.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 205

the coast of Holland, he suffered shipwracke, by the which he lost
all his bookes, writings and copies, and so was compelled to
beginne all againe anew, to his hindrance and doubling of his
labours. Thus having lost by that ship, both money, his copies
and time, he came in another ship to Hamborough, where at his
appointment maister Coverdale taried for him, and helped him in
the translating of the whole five bookes of Moses, from Easter
till December, in the house of a worshipful widow, mistris Mar-
garet Van Emmerson, anno 1529. a great sweating sicknesse
being the same time in the towne. So having dispatched his
businesse at Hamborough, he returned afterward to Antwerpe
againe.

Thus as Sathan is, and ever hath been an enemie to all godlie
endevors, and chiefely to the promoting and furtherance of Gods
word, as by this and many other experiments may be seene ; so
his ministers and members following the like qualitie of their
master, be not altogether idle for their parts ; as also by the
popes chaplaines and Gods enemies, and by their cruell handling
of the said M. Tindall the same time, both here in England and
in Flanders, may well appeare.

When Gods will was, that the newe Testament in the common
tongue should come abroad, Tindall the translator thereof added
to the latter end a certaine epistle, wherein he desired them that
were learned to amend it, if ought were found amisse. Where-
fore if anie such default had beene, deserving correction, it had
been the part of curtesie and gentlenesse, for men of knowledge
and judgment to have shewed their learning therein, and to have
redressed that was to be amended. But the spiritual! fathers
then of the clergy being not willing to have that booke to prosper,
cried out upon it, bearing men in hand that there were a thousand
heresies in it, and that it was not to be corrected, but utterly to
be suppressed. Some said, " it was not possible to translate the
scripture into English ; some that it was not lawefull for the laie
people to have it in their mother tongue ; some that it would
make them all here tikes." And to the intent to induce the tem-
porall rulers also unto their purpose, they made matter, and saide
" that it would make the people to rebell and rise against the
king." All this Tindall himselfe in his owne prologue before the
first booke of Moses declareth : and addeth further* shewing what
great paines was taken in examining that translation, and com-
paring it with their owne imaginations and tearms, that with lesse

206 WILLIAM TINDALL.

labor (hee supposeth) they might have translated themselves a
great part of the bible : shewing moreover, that they scanned and
examined every tittle and point in the saide translation, in such
sort and so narrowlie, that there was not one i therein, but if it
lacked a pricke over his head, they did note it, and numbred it
unto the ignorant people for an heresie. So great were then the
fro ward devises of the English clergy (who should have beene the
guides of light unto the people) to drive the people from the text
jind knowledge of the scripture, which neither they would translate
themselves8, nor yet abide it to be translated of others : to the
intent (as Tindall saith) that the word being kept still in dark-
nesse, they might sit in the consciences of the people through
vaine superstition and false doctrine, to satisfie their lusts.
their ambition, and unsatiable covetousnesse, and to exalt their
owne honor above king and emperor, yea and above God hiin-
selfe.

The bishops and prelates of therealme, thus (as ye have heard)
incensed and inflamed in their minds, (although having no cau>e)
against the olde and newe Testament of the Lord newly trans-
lated by Tindall, and conspiring together with all their heads and
counsells, how to repeale the same, never rested before they lm<l
brought the king at last to their consent. By reason wlu-r
proclamation in all haste was devised and set forth under publicke

8 Would translate themselves.'] "But let us graunt " (says Dr. Robert
Barnes, in a tract, That it is lawful for all men to read the Holy Scripture)
" that that translation was so false : why did you not there take upon you
openly for to amend it— and to set forth truely the holy testament of Christ ?
You must needes graunt that there is an holy testament of his on earth (ex-
cept you will denye Christe — ), where is it ? Why have we it not ? If that
weare not it, why do not you set the very true testament out ? You were
ready to condemne another mans faythful lahour and diligence ; but you had
no charytie to amende it. If you had condemned that all onely because of
errour, yet at the least wayes you should both of charitie, and also of dutie
have set forth the trewe text, and then would men have thought, that you
condemned the other by the reason of errours. But men may now evydently
see, that you dyd not condemn it for errours sakes, but all onely because
the veritie was therein, that which you could not abyde that men should
knowe." Works, p. 283. edit. 1572. fol. In another place, he remarks,
pertinently : " This dare I say boldly, that the new testament in Knglishe is
ten times truer, then the old translation in Latin is; in the which bee many
places that do want whole sentences ; and many places that no man can
defend without heresie, as this texte, Non omnes immutabimur ; (1 COT,
&c. &c." Ibid.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 207

authoritie, but no just reason shewed, that the Testament of Tin-
dais translation, with other works mo both of his and of other
writers, were inhibited 9 and abandoned, which was about the
yeare of our Lord, 1527. — And yet not contented herwith, they
proceeded further, how to entangle him in their nets, and to
bereave him of his life. Which how they brought to passe, now
it remaineth to be declared.

In the registers of London it appeareth manifest, how that the
bishops and Sir Thomas More having anie poore man under
coram, to be examined before them, namely, such as had beene at
Antwerp, most studiously would search and examine all things
belonging to Tindall, where and with whom he hosted, whereabouts
stood the house, what was his stature, in what apparell he went,
what resort he had, &c. All which things when they had dili-
gently learned, then began they to worke their feates ; as you
shall heare by the relation of his owne host.

William Tindall being in the towne of Antwerp, had bin lodged
about one whole yeere in the house of Thomas Pointz an English-
man, who kept there an house of English marchants. About
which time came thither one out of England, whose name was
Henry Philips, his father being customer of Poole, a comely
fellow, like as he had beene a gentleman, having a servant with
him : but wherefore hee came, or for what purpose he was sent
thither, no man could tell.

Maister Tindall divers times was desired forth to dinner and
supper among marchants ; by the meanes whereof this Henry
Philips became acquainted with him, so that within short space
M. Tindall had a great confidence in him ; and brought him to
his lodging to the house of Thomas Pointz, and -had him also
once or twise with him to dinner and supper, and further entred
such friendship with him that through his procurement, hee lay
in the same house of the said Pointz : to whome he shewed
moreover his bookes and other secrets of his studie ; so little did
Tindall then mistrust this traitor.

But Pointz having no great confidence in the fellowe, asked
maister Tindall how he came acquainted with this Philips. Maister
Tindall answered, that hee was an honest man, handsomely learned,

9 Were inhibited.~] See Mandate of Abp. Warham, dated Lambeth, Nov. 3,
1526. Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 706, 7.

208 WILLIAM TINDALL.

and very conformable. Then Pointz perceiving that he bare such
favour to him, said no more, thinking that hee was brought ac-
(juaintiMl with him by some friend of his. The said Philips being
in the towne three or foure daies, upon a time desired Pointz to
walke with him forth of the towne to shewe him the commodities
thereof; and in walking together without the towne, had com-
munication of divers things, and some of the kings affaires : by
the which talke Pointz as yet suspected nothing ; but after, by
the sequele of the matter, hee perceived more what hee intended.
In the meane time this he well perceived, that hee bare no great
favour, either to the setting forth of any good thing, either to the
proceedings of the king of England. But after, when the time
was past, Pointz perceived this to be his minde, to feele if hee
could perceive by him, whether hee might breake with him in the
matter for lucre of money, to helpe him to his purpose : for lie
perceived before that he was monied, and would that Point/
should thinke no lesse : but by whome, it was unknowne. For
lie had desired Pointz before to helpe him to divers things ; and
such things as hee named, hee required might be of the best.
"for," saide he, "I have money enough." But of this talke
came nothing, but that men should thinke he had some tiling t<>
do, for nothing else followed of his talke. So it was to be
pected, that Philips was in doubt to moove this matter for his
purpose to any of the rulers or officers of the town of Antwerpe.
for doubt it should come to the knowledge of some English-
men, and by the meanes thereof M. Tindall should have had
warning.

So Philips went from Antwerpe to the court of Bruxels, which
is from thence twentie foure English miles, the king having
there no ambassador: for at that time the king of England and
the emperor were at a controversie, for the question betwixt tin-
king and the Lady Katherine, which was aunt to the emperor :
and the discord grew so much, that it was doubted least then*
should have bin warre fcetweene the emperour and the kin
that 1'hilips as a traitor both against God and the kiiiu'. "as tin-re
the better retained, as also other traitors nine besides him : who
after he had betraied master Timlall into their hand>. sli
hiin>elfe against the kings own person, and there >et forth ll
au'aiiiM the kin*;. To make short ; the said Philips did M» much
there, that he procured to hrincr fVnm thence with him to Antwerp

WILLIAM TINDALL. 209

the procurer generall, which is the emperors atturney, with other
certaine officers : as after followeth. The which was not done
with small charges and expences, from whomsoever it came.

Within a while after, Pointz sitting at his doore, Philips1 man
came unto him, and asked whether maister Tindall were there,
and saide his maister would come to him : and so departed. But
whether his maister Philippes were in the towne or not, it was
not knowne : but at that time Pointz heard no more, neither of
the maister nor of the man. Within three or foure daies after,
Pointz went forth to the town of Barrow, being 18 English miles
from Antwerpe, where hee had businesse to doe for the space of a
moneth or sixe weekes ; and in the time of his absence, Henrie
Philippes came againe to Antwerpe to the house of Pointz ; and
comming in, spake with his wife, asking her for master Tindall,
and whether hee woulde dine there with him, saying ; " What
good meat shall wee have ?" She answered, " such as the market
will give." Then went hee forth againe (as it is thought) to
provide ; and set the officers which he brought with him from
Bruxelles, in the streete, and about the doore. Then about noone
he came againe, and went to Maister Tindall, and desired him to
lend him 40 shillings, " for (said hee) I lost my purse this morn-
ing, comming over at the passage betweene this and Machelin."
So maister Tindall took him 40 shillings, the which was easie to
be had of him, if he had it : for in the wylie subtilties of this world
he was simple and unexpert.

Then said Philips, " M. Tindall you shall be my guest here
this day." " No," said M. Tindall, " I goe forth this day to dinner,
and you shall goe with me and be my guest, where you shall be
welcome." So when it was dinner time, master Tindall went forth
with Philippes, and at the going out of Pointz house, was a long
narrow entrie so that two could not goe in a front. M. Tindall
would have put Philips before him, but Philips would in no wise,
but put M. Tindall afore, for that he pretended to shew great
humanitie. So master Tindall being a man of no great stature,
went before, and Philippes a tall comely person followed behinde
him, who had set officers on either side of the doore upon two
seates ; which being there, might see who came in the entrie :
and comming through the same entrie, Philips pointed with his
finger over M. Tindals head downe to him, that the officers which
sate at the doore, might see that it was he whome they should
take ; as the officers that tooke M. Tindall, afterward told Pointz,

VOL. II. P

210 WILLIAM TINDALL.

and saide to Pointz when they had laide him in prison, that they
pittied to see his simplicitie when they tooke him. Then they
tooke him and brought him to the emperors attourney or pro-
curer generall, where he dined. Then came the procurer general 1
to the house of Pointz, and sent away all that was there of
M. Tindals, as well his books as other things : and from thence
Tindall was had to the castle of Filford 10, 18 English miles from
Antwerpe, and there he remained untill he was put to death.

Then incontinent by the helpe of English marchants, were
letters sent in the favour of Tindall, to the courte of Bni\«-Is.
Also not long after, letters were directed1 out of England to the
councell at Bruxels, and sent to the marchants adventurers to
Antwerpe, commaunding them to see that with speede they should
be delivered.

But good Tindall could not escape their hands, but remained
in prison still, who being brought unto his answere, was offere< 1 t < >
have an advocate and a proctor : for in any criminall cau>< tin-re.
it shall be permitted to have counsaile, to make answere in the
lawe. But hee refused to have anie such, saying, that he would
answere for himselfe ; and so hee did.

At last, after much reasoning, when no reason would serve.
although he deserved no death, he was condemned by vertue of
the emperors decree made in the assemblie at Ausbrou<jli ; and
uppon the same, brought forth to the place of execution, was
there tied to the stake, and then strangled first by the hangman,
and afterward, with fire consumed in the morning, at the toune of
Filford 2, an. 1536, crying thus at the stake with a fervent zeali-.
and a loud voice, " Lord, open the king of Englands eyes?

Such was the power of his doctrine, and sinceritie of his life.

10 Filford.'] Vilvorde.

1 Letters were directed.'] " Letters sent from England by the Lord Crom-
well and others, in the behalfe of master Tindall." Fox.

2 Of Filford.'] " Sed ad Tyndallum redeo ; qui demum post multos exan-
tlatos labores, Antverpiae opera et proditione Angli cujusdam (ut quidam sus-
picantur) Philips!!, at non sine episcoporum procuratione, a Lovanien
theologis captus, atque in carcerem ahreptus est. Interim Dom. (
welius literis saepe ac diligenter ad Lovanienses perscriptis, omni conatu
eripere satagebat. Demum post annuam custodiam per Lovanienses eductus
ad ignis supplicium, postquam ac palinodiam nulla ratione nee ille adduci,
nee ipsi ab errorum pertinacia abduci potuerunt, Bruxellis lata n

tentia judiciaria Vilfordiarn Brabantiae oppidum pertrahitur exurendus, ul/i
cum rnagna constantia vitam invictus Christi martyr posuit in Domino."
Fox's Latin edit., p. 138.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 211

that during the time of his imprisonment (which endured a yeare
and a half) it is said, he converted his keeper, his daughter, and
other of his household. Also the rest that were with him con-
versant in the castle, reported of him, that if he were not a good
Christian man, they could not tell whom to trust.

The procurator generall, the emperours attournie, being there,
left this testimony of him, that he was " Homo doctus, pius, et
bonus : that is, a learned, a good, and a godly man."

The worthy vertues and doings of this blessed martyr, who for
his painefull travailes, and singular zeale to his countrey, may be
called in these our daies, an apostle of England, it were long to
recite. — Amongst manie other, this because it seemeth to mee
worthie of remembrance, I thought not in silence to overpasse,
which hath unto me credibly beene testified by certaine grave
marchants, and some of them also such as were present the same
time at the fact, and men yet alive. The story whereof is this.

There was at Antwerp on a time, amongst a companie of
marchants, as they were at supper, a certaine juggler, which
through his diabolicall inchantments or art magicall, would fetch
all kinds of viands, and wine from any place they would, and set
it upon the table incontinent before them, with many other such
like things. The fame of this juggler being much talked of, it
chanced that as M. Tindal heard of it, he desired certaine of the
marchants, that he might also be present at supper to see him
play his parts.

To be briefe, the supper was appointed, and the marchants
with Tindall were there present. Then the juggler being required
to play his feates, and to shewe his cunning, after his wonted
boldnesse began to utter all that he could doe, but all was in
vaine. At the last, with his labour, sweating and toyling, when
he saw that nothing would go forward, but that all his enchant-
ments were voide, hee was compelled openly to confesse, that
there was some man present at supper, which disturbed and
letted all his doings. — So that a man even in the martyrs of
these our daies, cannot lacke the miracles of true faith, if miracles
were now to be desired.

As concerning the workes and bookes of Tindall, which extend
to a great number, thou wast tolde before (loving reader) how
the printer hereof mindeth, by the Lords leave, to collect them all
in one volume together, and put them out in print. Wherefore

p 2

212 WILLIAM TINDALL.

it shall not greatlie at this time be needfull to make any severall
rehearsall of them.

And as touching his translation of the new Testament, because
his enemies did so much carpe at it, pretending it to bee so full
of heresies, to answere therefore to their sclaunderous ton
and lying lips, thou shalt heare and understand, what faithfull
dealing, and sincere conscience he used in the same, by the t
monie and allegation of his owne words, written in his epistle to
John Frith, as followeth ; "I call God3 to record against the
daie we shall appeare before our Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning
of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of Gods word
against my conscience, nor would this daie, if all that is in
earth, whether it be honour, pleasure, or riches might be given
me, &c."

And here to ende4 and conclude this history with a few n
touchinge his private behaviour in dyet study and charitable
zeale, and tender releiving of the poore. First, he was a man
verie frugale arid spare of bodie, a great student, and earn«-t
labourer, namely in the settinge forth of the scriptures of (;«><!.
He reserved or hallowed to himselfe two clayes of the weeke, which
he named his dayes of pastime, and those dayes were Monday.

3 I call God.] A solemn avowal of this nature, on the opposition of its
truth, was both prudent and just. For what did the popish party pretend ?
" the constitution of the bishops," says Sir Thomas More, " is not that the
Scripture shall not be in English; but, that no man may translate it I/;.
own authority ; or read it, till they had approved it." And what is Tindall's
reply ? " If no translation shall be had, untill they give license, or till they
approve it, it shall never be had. And so it is all one in effect, to say there
shall be none at all in English, and to say, * till we admit it,' seeing that they
feign all the cavillations they can, to prove it were not expedient. And
thereto they have done their best to have had it enacted by parliament .

it should not be in English." — Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, A.D.
1530. Works, p. 318, fol. And as a specimen of the temper of one of them.
Fitz- James, bishop of London, More having affirmed that "he was wise
tuous, and cunnyng," Tindal replies, "For all those three, yet he woul<i
made the old deane Colet of Pauls an hereticke, for translating the Pater
noster in English, had not the byshop of Canterbury " (Warham) " holpe the
Deane."

4 And here to endc.~] This paragraph the editor has added from the
elusion of the Life of William Tindall, prefixed by John Vox to the edit:
his works printed, along with the works of John Frith and Dr. 1!
Barnes, by John Day, in the year 1573.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 213

the first daye of the weeke, and Saturday the laste day in the
weeke. In the Monday he visited all such poore men and women
as were fled out of England, by reason of persecution, unto
Antwerp ; and those, well understanding their good exercises and
qualities, he did very liberally comfort and relieve : and in like
manner provided for the sicke and diseased persones. On the
Saturday he walked rounde about the towne in Antwerpe, seeking
out every corner and hole where he suspected any poore person
to dwell (as God knoweth there are many), and where he found
any to be well occupied, and yet over burthened with children,
or else were aged, or weake, those also he plentifully relieved.
And thus he spent his two dayes of pastime, as he called them.
And truly his almes was very large and great : and so it might
well bee : for his exhibition that hee had yearely of the Englishe
marchaunts was very much, and that for the most part he
bestowed upon the poore, as aforesayde. The rest of the dayes
in the weeke he gave himself wholy to his booke, wherein he
most diligently travelled. When the Sunday came, then went
he to some one merchauntes chamber, or other, whither came
many other merchauntes, and unto them would he reade some
one parcel of scripture, either out of the Old Testament or out of
the New, the which proceeded so fruitefully, sweetely, and gentely
from him (much like to the writing of Saint John the evangelist)
that it was a heavenly comfort and joy to the audience to heare
him reade the scriptures. And in like wise after dinner, he
spente an houre in the afore sayd maner. He was a man with-
out any spot or blemishe of rancour or malice ; full of mercy and
compassion ; so that no man living was able to reprove him of
any kinde of sinne or crime ; albeit his righteousness and justi-
fication depended not thereupon before God, but onely upon the
bloode of Christ, and his fayth in the same ; in the which faythe
constantly he dyed, as is sayde, at Filforde, and now resteth
with the glorious company of Christes martyrs blessedly in the
Lord ; who be blessed in all his saints ! Amen. — And thus
much of W. Tyndall, Christes blessed servaunt and martyr.

214 WILLIAM T1NDALL.

A notable and woorthie Letter of Master William Tyndall, sent to
John Frith, under the name of Jacob.

" The grace of our Saviour Jesus, his patience, meekenessc,
humblenesse, circumspection, and vvisedome, be with your
heart, Amen.

"Deerely beloved brother Jacob mine harts desire in our
Saviour Jesus is, that you arme your selfe with patience, and be
cold, sober, wise, and circumspect, and that you keepe you
alowe by the ground, avoiding hie questions that passe the com-
mon capacitie. But expound the law truly, and open the vailc
of Moses to condemne all flesh, and proove all men sinners, and
all deedes under the law, before mercy have taken away tho
condemnation thereof, to bee sinne and damnable : and then as a
faithfull minister, set abroach the mercie of our Lord Jesus, and
let the wounded consciences drinke of the water of him. And
then shall your preaching be with power, and not as the doetrin'-
of the hypocrites ; and the Spirit of God shall worke with you,
and all consciences shall beare record unto you, and feele that it
is so. And all doctrine that casteth a miste on those two, to
shadow and hide them, I meane the law of God and mercie of
Christ, that resist you with all your power. Sacraments without
signification, refuse. If they put significations to them, receive
them, if you see it may help ; though it be not necessarie.

" Of the presence of Christs bodie in the Sacrament, meddli-
as little as you can, that there appeare no division among us.
Barnes will bee hote* against you. The Saxons be sore on the

5 Barnes will bee hote.'] Dr. Robert Barnes, a zealous Lutheran in the doc-
trine of the Eucharist. He had spent a considerable time in Germany, and
was intimately acquainted with Luther, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, &c. Frith,
who seems to have been a person of very extraordinary endowments, but was
put to death when a very young man, wrote with surprising perspicuity and
vigour according to that doctrine, which was afterwards, under the infli.
of Cranmer and Ridley, restored as the established doctrine of the Church of
England. Tindall, during his abode in foreign parts, had seen the calam
effects which had been produced by the controversies on this subject bet
the two contending parties, which occasioned the first division between
Lutheran, and Calvinistic or reformed churches ; and he was anxious to pre-
vent the introduction of the like evils into England. The Lutheran notion
of consuhstantiation never made much progress in this kingdom.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 215

affirmative, whether constant or obstinate, I remit it to God.
Philip Melancthon is said to be with the French king. There
be in Antwerpe that say, they saw him come into Paris with an
hundred and fifty horses, and that they spake with him. If the
Frenchmen receive the word of God, hee will plant the affirmative
in them. George Joy would have put forth a treatise of that
matter, but I have stopt him as yet : what he wil do if he get
mony, I wot not. I believe he would make many reasons little
serving to the purpose. My mind is, that nothing be put foorth
till we heare how you shall have sped. I would have the right
use preached, and the presence to bee an indifferent thing, till
the matter might be reasoned in peace at leasure of both parties.
If you be required, shew the phrases of the scripture, and let
them talke what they will. For as to beleeve that God is everie
where, hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where but
within the heart, in spirit and veritie : even so to beleeve that
the bodie of Christ is every where (though it cannot bee prooved)
hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where save in the faith
of his gospell. — You perceive my mind : howbeit if God shew
you otherwise, it is free for you to doe as he mooveth you.

" I ghessed long agoe, that God would send a dazing into the
head of the spiritualtie, to catch themselves in their owne sub-
tiltie, and I trust it is come to passe. And now me thinketh I
smell a councell to bee taken, little for their profites 6 in time to
come. But you must understand, that it is not of a pure heart
and for love of the truth, but to avenge themselves, and to eat
the whores flesh, and to sucke the marrow of her bones. Where-
fore cleave fast to the rocke of the helpe of God, and commit the
end of all things to him : and if God shall call you, that you may
then use the wisdome of the worldly, as farre as you perceive the
glorie of God may come thereof, refuse it not : and ever among,
thrust in, that the scripture may be in the mother tongue, and
learning set up in the universities. But and if ought bee re-
quired contrarie to the glorie of God and his Christ, then stand
fast, and commit your selfe to God, and be not overcome of mens
persuasions, which happely shall say, We see no other way to
bring in the truth.

6 Little for their profiles] The allusion seems to be to the difficulties and
penalties under which the clergy were brought, on the charge of transgressing
the statute of Premunire, of which further particulars will be found below in
the account of Cromwell. See Index, under Premunire.

21(5 WILLIAM TINDALL.

"Brother Jacob, beloved in my heart, there liveth not in
whome I have so good hope and trust, and in whom mine heart
rejoyceth and my soule comforteth her selfe, as in you : not the
thousand part so much for your learning, and what other gifts
else you have, as that you will creepe alowe7 by the ground, and
walke in those things that the conscience may feele, and not in
the imaginations of the braine : in feare, and not in boldnesse :
in open necessarie things, and not to pronounce or define of hid
secrets, or things that neither helpe or hinder whether they be
so or no ; in unitie, and not in seditious opinions : insomuch that
if you bee sure you know, yet in things that may abide leasurc.
you will deferre, or say (till other agree with you), " Mee thinke
the text requireth this sense or understanding." Yea and that
if you bee sure that your part be good, and an other hold the
contrarie, yet if it be a thing that maketh no matter, you will
laugh and let it passe, and referre the thing to other men ; and
stick you stiffely and stubburnely in earnest and necessarir
things. — And I trust you be perswaded even so of me. For I
call God to record against the day we shall appeare before our
Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never
altered one syllable of Gods word against my conscience, nor
would this day if all that is in the earth, whether it be pleasure,
honour, or riches, might bee given mee. Moreover, 1 take (MM!
to record to my conscience, that I desire of God to my selfe in
this world, no more than that without which I can not keepe his
lawes.

" Creepe oloweJ] Compare this word with its opposite a-loft. So in Pierce
Ploughman's Vision, fol. 63, edit. 1550.

" And wiliest of birds and beasts hir breeding to know,
Why some be a-lowe, and some a-loft" —

Compare also Ploughman's Complaint, Fox's Acts, p. 371.

" It is thy saying, ' Those that hyeth himself shoulde be lowed, and those
that lowelhe themselves should be anheyghed."

Respecting Frith's admirable prudence and moderation in the doctrine of
the Eucharist, and on the opinions of Dr. Barnes, the reader may consult
Fox's Acts, p. 943. Tindall himself has given, besides the present exo
letter, many proofs of the same temper in the course of his valuable wri<
not only on the points in dispute in connexion with that article, which of all
the controversies at the aera of the Reformation were most fully and warmly
debated ; but also upon the abstruse and thomy questions respecting grace
and predestination.

WILLIAM TINDALL. 217

" Finally, if there were in mee any gift that could helpe at
hand, and aide you if need required ; I promise you I would not
bee farre off, and commit the ende to God ; my soule is not faint,
though my bodie be wearie. But God hath made me evill fa-
voured in this world, and without grace in the sight of men,
speechlesse and rude, dull and slowe witted : your part shall bee
to supply that lacketh in me ; remembring, that as lowlinesse of
hart shall make you high with God, even so meekenesse of words
shall make you sinke into the harts of men. Nature giveth age
authoritie, but meekenesse is the glorie of youth, and giveth
them honour. Aboundance of love maketh me exceede in
babbling.

" Sir, as concerning purgatorie, and many other things, if you
be demaunded, you may say, ' If you erre, the spiritualtie hath
so led you, and that they have taught you to beleeve as you doe.
For they preached you all such things out of Gods word, and
alleaged a thousand texts, by reason of which texts you beleeved
as they taught you. But now you finde them liars, and that the
texts meane no such things, and therefore you can beleeve them
no longer ; but are as ye were before they taught you, and be-
leeve no such thing : howbeit you are readie to beleeve, if they
have any other way to proove it 8, for without proofe you cannot
beleeve them, when you have found them with so many lies, fcc."*
If you perceive wherein we may helpe, either in being still, or
doing somewhat, let us have word, and I will doe mine uttermost.

" My lord of London hath a servant called John Tisen, with

3 Any other way to proove it.~\ It is not to be doubted but that the advocates
of this doctrine, though they might be beaten out of scripture, had still other
proofs to produce for the maintenance of their cause. A fit of the gout, be
it known, is a good demonstration of purgatory. Or rather the Knights of
Purgatory were armed cap a pie, and if the head did fail, yet (as happens with
other knights occasionally in similar circumstances of distress) they had a
weight of argument in the toe which was irresistible.

" Purgatory is proved by example of a byshop that was vexed with a hete
in his feete that none might refreshe them. It happed in sommer on a day
as fyshers fyshed in the sea, they caught a great yse, the whiche they bare to
the byshop, and put it under his feete a certayne houre; and then the
byshop harde a voyce that complayned, the which he adjured; and it
aunswered and sayd, ' I am the soule of a preest that suffereth here my
purgatory ; and if thou were in the state of grace, and sayde an hundred
masses for me, I shuld be delivered and saved ! ' — the which was done." —
Shepherd's Calendar, signat. M. 6. edit. 1556.

2J8 WILLIAM TINDALL.

a red beard, and a blacke reddish head, and was once my schol-
ler ; he was scene in Antwerpe, but came not among the English
men ; whither hee is gone an ernbassadour secret I wot not.

" The mightie God of Jacob be with you to supplant his ene-
mies, and give you the favour of Joseph ; and the wisdome, and
the spirit of Stephen be with your heart and with your mouth,
and teach your lips what they shall say, and how to answere to
all things. Hee is our God if we despaire in our selves, and
trust in him: and his is the glorie, Amen. (A.D. 1533.)

" WILLIAM TYXDAI.L.
" I hope our redemption is nigh."

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

At length truth shot its ray into this chaos of disordered reason. But it
came not directly from its source : but from the ferment of such passions as
error and corruption are apt to raise amongst those who govern in, and be-
nefit by, that state of confusion. For when a reform happens to arise from
within, it cannot be supposed to have its birth in a love of truth ; hardly in
the knowledge of it. Generally some oblique passion gratifies itself in decry-
ing the grosser corruptions, supported by, and supporting, those it hates.
The machine thus set a going, truth has fair play : she is now at liberty to
procure friends, and to attach them to her service. This was the course of
things in the revolution we are about to speak of: and is the natural rise
and progress of religious reformations in general. For if, in the state of such
established error, Providence was to wait, till a love of truth had set men
upon shaking off their bondage, its dispensations could never provide that
timely aid which we now find they always do to distressed humanity. For
when the corruption hath spread so wide, as to make truth, if by chance she
could be found, an indifferent object ; what is there left, to enable men to
break their fetters, but the clashing interests of the corruption itself? And
it is knowing as little of the religious, as of the moral course of God's Provi-
dence, to upbraid those, who have profited of this blessing, with the baseness
of the instruments that procured it.

BISHOP WARBURTON.

CROMWELL, EARLE OF ESSEX.

THOMAS CROMWELL although borne of a simple parentage, and
house obscure, through the singular excellencie of wisdome and
dexteritie of wit wrought in him by God, coupled with like indus-
trie of minde and desertes of life, rose to high preferment and
authoritie ; in so much that by steps and staires of office and
honour, he ascended at length to that, that not onely he was
made earle of Essex, but also most secret and deare counsellour
to king Henry, and vicegerent unto his person ; which office hath
not commonly beene supplyed, at least not so fruitfully dis-
charged, within this realme.

First as touching his birth *, he was borne at Putney or ther-

1 As touching his birth.'] Cardinal Pole has treated Cromwell with great
severity in his Apologia ad Carolwn Quint urn Ccesarem The invective is
long : but is too much to our purpose to be altogether passed by. The
occasion upon which it is introduced is in declaring the influence and
negotiations of Cromwell respecting the divorce of Henry VIII. from queen
Catharine.

— Si nomen quaeratur, Cromvellum eum appellant ; si genus, de nullo
quidem ante eum, qui id nomen gereret, audivi. Dicunt tamen, viculum
esse prope Londinum, ubi natus erat, et ubi pater ejus pannis verrendis
victum quseritabat ; sed de hoc parum refert. Nunc si conditio quseratur,
sic quidem de eo intellexi, aliquem in Italia fuisse gregarium militem ; fuisse
etiam mercatorem, nee tamen longius progressum in mercatura fuisse, quam
ut scriba esset mercatoris, et libros rationum servaret; optime vero novi
ilium mercatorem, qui Venetus erat natione, cui operas suas locabat. Tan-
dem hujus conditionis perteesus, domum reversus, causidicis se immiscuit,
his qui jura regni profitentur : in quo eo magis se proficere sperabat, quod
versuti et callidi ingenii sibi conscius esset ad defendendum tarn iniquum,

222 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

about, being a smiths, sonne, whose mother married after to a
shyreman. In the simple estate and rude beginnings of this
man (as of divers other before him) wee may see and learne that
the excellencie of noble vertues and heroicall prowesses, which
advance to fame, and honor, stand not only upon birth and bloud,
as priviledges only intailed and appropriate to noble houses ; but
are disposed indifferently and proceede of the gift of God, who
raiseth uppe the poore abjecte manie times out of the dunghill,
and matcheth him in throne with peeres and princes. (Psal. 113.)

As touching the order and manner of his comming up, it
would be superfluous to discourse what may bee said at large :
only by way of storie it may suffice to give a touch of certaine
particulars, and so to proceede.

Although the humble condition and povertie of this man was at
the beginning (as it is to many other) a great let and hinderaunce
for vertue to shewe her selfe, yet such was the activitie and for-
warde ripenes of nature in him, so pregnant in wit and so readie
he was, in judgement discreet, in tongue eloquent, in service
faithful!, in stomacke couragious, in his penne active, that bcin«j,
conversant in the sight of men, he could not long be unespied,

quam aequura, quod ex externorum commercio valde acuerat, cum nostrorum
hominum ingeniorum simplicitatem semper contemneret. Nee tamen in hoc
genere valde crevit, antequam ad monasteriorum ruinam perventum est.
Quod incepit vivente adhuc cardinal! Eboracensi, dum monasteria quaedam,
pene a suis deserta, et illorum bona ac praedia, in subsidium pauperum, qui
in Gymnasiis literis operam dabant, essent conversa. Hie vero notus esse
coepit, idque ostendit, ad hanc artem solum se natum fuisse, ad ruinam et
vastationem, id quod crebra aliarum artium mutatio declaravit, in quibus
nihil crevit, in hac vero statim Celebris esse ccepit, et pluribus notus ; ita
tamen in illis initiis artis suae notus, ut cum cardinalis, cujus assecla fuit,
et ex cujus authoritate et imperio illam suam artem exercebat, ab admi-
nistratione reipublicae remotus esset, et dignitate privatus, ipse omnium
voce, qui aliquid de eo intellexerant, ad supplicium posceretur. Hoc enim
affirmare possum, qui Londini turn adfui, et voces audivi, adeo etiam ut
per civitatem universam rumor circumferretur, eum in carcerem fuisse de-
trusum, et propediem productum iri ad supplicium. Neque vero hoc cii'u-
gisset, nisi Dei in regem justissima ira, hujus vitam Satanae dedisset,
Epistnlte Reginalds Poll Cardinalis, vol. i. p. 126. Brixur, 1744. In the
same Apology, Pole gives a curious account of an interview which li
with Cromwell, in the house of Cardinal Wolsey, about the year 152'), in
which, he tells us, Cromwell sounded him on his dispositions with regard to
Henry's divorce, and strenuously recommended to Pole for his instruction in
politics and the knowledge of courts, the famous book of Machiavdli. l)e
Principe. Ibid. p. 133—138.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 223

nor yet unprovided of favour and helpe of friends to set him for-
ward in place and office. Neither was any place or office put
unto him, whereunto hee was not apt and fit. Nothing was so
harde which with witte and industry hee could not compasse.
Neither was his capacitie so good, but his memorie was as great
in retaining whatsoever he had attained. Which well appeareth
in canning 2 the text of the whole new testament of Erasmus1
translation without book, in his journey going and commingfrom
Rome : whereof ye shall heare anone.

Thus in his growing yeares, as hee shot up in age and ripenes,
a great delight came in his minde to stray into forraine countries,
to see the world abroad, and to learne experience, whereby hee
learned such tongues and languages, as might better serve for his
use hereafter.

And thus passing over his youth, being at Antwerpe, he was
there retained of the English marchants 3 to be their clarke or
secretarie, or in some such like condition placed pertaining to
their affaires.

It happened the same time, that the towne of Boston thought
good to send up to Rome, for renuing 4 of their two pardons, one
called the great pardon, the other the lesser pardon. Which thing
although it should stand them in great expenses of mony (for
the popes marchandise is alwaies deare ware) yet notwithstanding
such sweetnes they had felt thereof, and such gaine to come to
their towne by that Romish marchandise (as all superstition is
commonly gainefull) that they like good catholicke marchants,
and the popes good customers, thought to spare for no coste, to
have their leases again of their pardons renewed, whatsoever they
paide for the fine. And yet was al this good religion then : such
was the lamentable blindnes of that time.

This then being so determined and decreede amongst my

2 Canning.'] Learning.

3 English marchants.'] Who at that time resided together in a factory.

4 For renuing.'] This renewing of the virtue and force of pardons, was one
among the ordinary expedients for gain to the pope and others. Thus it was
alleged among the articles against cardinal Wolsey, (art. 22.) "Also the
said lord cardinal to augment his great riches, hath caused divers pardons
granted by the pope, to be suspended, which could not be revived till the
said lord cardinal were rewarded, and also have a yearly pension of the said
pardon." State Trials, vol. i. p. 376.

224 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

countrimen of Boston, to have their pardons needs repaired and
renued from Rome, one Geffrey Chambers with another compa-
nion was sent for the messengers, with writings and mony, no
small quantitie, well furnished, and with all other things appoint-
ed necessarie for so chargeable and costly exploit ; who c< miming
in his journey to Antwerpe, and misdoubting himselfe to be too
weake for the compassing of such a waightie piece of worke.
conferred and perswaded with Thomas Cromwel to associate him
in that legacie, and to assist him in the contriving thereof.
Cromwell, although perceiving the enterprise to be of no small
difficultie, to traverse the popes court, for the unreasonabl
pences amongst those greedy cormorants, yet having some skill
of the Italian tongue, and as yet not grounded in the judgement
of religion in those his youthfull daies, was at length obtained,
and content to give the adventure, and so tooke his journey
towards Home. Cromwell loth to spend much time, and nn»iv
loth to spend his mony; and againe perceiving that tin- popes
greedy humor must needs be served with some present or other
(for without rewards there is no doing at Rome) began to cast
with himselfe, what thing best to devise, wherein he might best
serve the popes devotion.

At length, having knowledge how that the popes holv tooth
greatly delighted in new fangled strange delicates, and daintie
dishes, it came in his minde to prepare certaine fine dishes of
jellie, after the best fashion, made after our country maner h
in England, which to them of Rome was not known nor seene
before.

This done, Cromwell observing his time accordingly, as the
pope was newly come from hunting into his pavilion, h-'e with his
companions approached with his English present* >. brought in
with a three mans song (as we call it) in the English tongue, and
all after the English fashion. The pope sodainely marvailii
the strangenes of the song, and understanding that they
English men, and that they came not elliptic handed, willed them
to be called in. Cromwell there shewing his obedience, and
offering his jolly junkets. Bitch as kings and princes ondy (>,iid
lie) in the realme of Kn^land u-e to frede upon, desired the -
to be accepted in benevolent part, which lie and his companion--
as poo re sutors unto his holine»e. had there brought and pre
sented, as novelties meete for his recreation.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 225

Pope Julius 5 seeing the strangenesse of the dishes, commanded
by and by his cardinall to take the assay6. Who in tasting
thereof, liked it so well, and so likewise the pope after him, that
knowing of them what their suites were, and requiring them to
make knowne the making of that meate, hee incontinent without
any more adoe, stamped both their pardons, as well the greater
as the lesser.

And thus were the jolly pardons of the towne of Boston ob-
tained as you have heard, for the maintenance of their decaied
port. The copie of which pardons (which I have in my hands)
brieflie comprehended, commeth to this effect 7. " That all the
brethren and sisters of the gylde of our Lady in Saint Botulphes
church at Boston, should have free licence to chuse for their

5 Pope JuliusJ] Julius II., Giuliano della Rovere.

6 Assay.~\ Trial by tasting. See Cavendish's Life of Wolsey in vol. i.
p. 652.

7 To this effect.'] In Becon's Reliques of Rome, Works, vol. iii. fol. 358,
&c. may be found a collection of several other pardons, similar to these
granted to the town of Boston. But omitting them, I shall only produce,
because it is not long, the account given by Strype, in his Life of Sir Thomas
Smith, p. 60, of one granted, so late as the year 1555, to William Smythick,
Esq.; the privileges of which, being imparted by him to Sir Thomas, were
as Strype conjectures, his security in those days of peril, and bitter per-
secution.

" It was, that he and any five of his friends, whom he should nominate,
with their children of both sexes, should be exempted, from all sentences of
excommunication, suspension, and interdict, and other censures ecclesiastical,
upon whatever occasion or cause inflicted ; transgressions of any vows, or
commands of the church ; guilt of perjuries, and homicide, whether casual or
mental; laying violent hands upon any ecclesiastical persons, excepting pre-
lates ; omissions in whole or in part of fasts, canonical hours, divine offices,
and penances injoined : also from all and singular their sins whereof they are
contrite and confessed, although they were such as for which the apostolick
see were to be consulted. Likewise many other indulgences were by virtue
hereof granted ; as, to have a portatile altar, to receive the sacrament pri-
vately ; that in lent, and other fasting times of the year, they might eat eggs,
butter, cheese, and other milk-meats, and flesh, without scruple of conscience.
— Smythick chose Sir Thomas Smith for one of his five friends, specified in
the bull, to be partaker of these Catholick privileges. — This, no question, was
a good skreen for Sir Thomas in these evil days " In Ames's Typographical
Antiquities, under the name WTilliam Facques (p. 134), maybe found, at full
length, the patent of admission of one Richard Woolman into all the benefits
of these Boston pardons. The writing bears date, Boston, 10 Decemb. A.D.
1508.

226 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

confessor or ghostly father, whom they would8, either secular
priest, or religious person, to assoile them plenarilie from al their
sins, except only in cases reserved to the pope.

" Also should have licence to carie about with them an aultar

8 Whom they wouldJ] This privilege, though it was productive of very
great spiritual, as well as temporal, abuses, was one that was very frequently
granted by the see of Rome. It was the main source from which the friars
derived their influence, amassed their wealth, and loosened the bonds of
union between the secular clergy and their parishioners. Among them a man
would seldom fail to find such a confessor as is described by Chaucer.
" — He had power of confessyoun

As he said himself, more than a curate,

For of his order he was licentiate.

Full swetely herde he confession,

And pleasant was his absolution.

He was an easie man to give penaunce,

There as he wist to have a good pitaunce"

Prologue to Canterbury Tales.

The nature of those corruptions which this privilege introduced, may be
further estimated from the extracts which follow. They are taken from the
Quatuor Sermones, added to the Festival in the later editions, and in parts of
them shew some tendencies towards reformation.

Confession "must also be hole; not some to one, and some to another.
This is a grete spece" (species) " of hypocrysye ; and this useth moche people ;
and all for they wolde be holde holy, and better then they ben." fol. l.v">. b
" The thyrde sacramente is shryfte of penaunce, to the which every man and
woman is bounde anon as they can" (know) "reasonable wytte, atte t
yere, every yere clene to be shryven, once atte the . least, atte theyr own

curate Yet notwithstondyng that ye ben bounde every yere to shew

youre shryft to your owne curate, and yf there ben ony of you that have more
affeccyon to another than to me, lete me wete " (know) " to whome and where,
and he shal have ryghte good leave, and Cristes blessyng and mine : so that
he do it not in no deceit of his owne soule, as to hyde his synne from me, to
that entent he myght the longer abyde therein ; as some done, and have
done many yeres. For I knowe more of theyr counsel!, than they wene that
I do, or wolde I dyd. . . . Thus some of you ones a yere, or " (ere] " ye •
to youre curate, ye caste out the venym of your synne at pardons, and •
privy places, and anon after Easter ye take it up agen ; as theft, adultery, and
many suche other, and ben worse after than ye were afore. Ye that this done
begyle your selfe, and nede grete penaunce. Had Judas when he betrayed
Chryste tolde his synne to his true herdman" (pastor) " as he did to Cayphas
and Pilate, whan he sayd, / have synned in betrayenge ryyhtwyse blode. lx
been saved. For they toke none nede thereto, but sayd, What is that tout?
avyse thee ; as who sayth, they have no cure of thee. Ryght so thus, 1 t
and some of you wente to your owne herdman, whan ye go to other, \\.
sholde brybery, stolen goodes, and suche other be restored: and adu

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 227

stone 9 whereby they might have a priest to saie them masse,
or other divine service, where they would, without prejudice of
any other church or chappell, though it were also before day, yea
and at three of the clock after midnight in the summer time.

" Furthermore, that all such brethren and sisters of the said
gylde, which should resort to the chappell of our Ladie in Saint
Botulphes church at the feast of Easter, Whitsontide, Corpus
Christi, the nativitie or Assumption of our Ladie, or in the octaves
of them, the feast of S. Michaeh1, and first Sunday in Lent, should
have pardon no lesse then if they themselves personally had visited
the Stations of Rome l.

" Provided that every such person man or woman, entring into
the same gylde, at his first entrance should give to the finding of
7 priests, 1 2 quiresters, and 1 3 beadsmen, and to the lights of
the same brotherhood, and a grammar schole, six shillings eight
pence, and for every yeare after twelve pence.

" And these premisses being before granted by pope Innocen-
tius and pope Julius 2. this pope Clement 2 also confirmed, grant-
ing moreover, that whatsoever brother or sister of the same gylde
through povertie, sicknesse, or any other let could not resort
personally to the said chappell, notwithstanding, hee should bee
dispensed withall, as well for that, as for all other vowes, irregula-
rities, and censures canonicall whatsoever, onlie the vowe of going
the Stations of Rome, and going to Saint James of Compos-
tella excepted.

and other cursed synnes be thus destroyed. — I say not this for no desyre that
I have to here your shryft, for it is but a payne to me, save for charge that I
have of your soules. For I had lever mynyster all the sacramentes that
longeth to myn office forty tymes, than that ones. But I doo it for to
dystroye the false subtylte that ye use in shrifte agaynst the helthe of your
soules: And so God helpe me." fol. 169.

9 An aultar stone.] A portable altar, called in Latin, altare viaticum, or alt.
portatile. " This was some real stone, insigned with the cross, and duly
consecrated ; and to be of such a length and breadth, as might conveniently
hold the holy cup, and consecrated host : with an apt frame of wood,
whereon to set it .... They were very rarely granted but by the pope him-
self, or his penitentiary." Staveley's Hist, of Churches in England, p. 214.
Weever in his Funeral Monuments exemplifies a bull of pope Martin the Vth,
indulging the privilege of an altar of this description to the English Mer-
chants of the Staple at Calais, p. 133. edit. 1767. in Deptford. See also the
note, p. 225, on the pardon granted to William Smy thick.

1 The Stations of Rome.'} See Becon's Works, vol. iii. fol. 203— 5. A.D. 1563.

- Pope Clement.] Clement VII. in 1526.

228 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

" He also granted unto them power to receive full remission,
a pcena et culpa, once in their life, or in the houre of death.

" Item, that having their aultar stone, they might have in:
said in any place, though it were unhallowed. Also in the time
of interdict, to have masse or any sacrament ministered : and also
being departed, that they might be buried in Christian buriall, not-
withstanding the interdict.

" Extending moreover his grant to all such brethren and si-
in resorting to the foresaid chappell of our Ladie upon the ISati-
vitie, or Assumption of our Lady, giving supportation to the said
chappell, at every such festivall day, to have full remission of all
their sins. Or if they for any impediment could not be pr<
at the chappell aforesaid, yet if they came unto their owne parish
church, and there said one Pater nosier, and Ave Mar'ix. they
should enjoy the same remission above specified: or \\li<^
came every Friday to the same chappell, shuld have as much
remission, as if he went to the chappell of our Ladie called Scala
Cceli*.

" Furthermore, that whatsoever Christian people, of what estate
or condition soever, either spirituall or temporall. would aid and
support the chamberlaines or substitutes of the foresaid gylde,
should have five hundredth yeares of pardon.

" Item, to all brothers and sisters of the same gylde was gram ' d
free libertie to eate in time of Lent, or other fasting daies, e.L
milke, butter, cheese, and also flesh, by the counsaile of thergho>tl v
father and physition, without any scruple of conscience.

3 Called Scala Cce/i.] At Rome, " in the church of our Lady called
Cceli, is also great pardon. This is one of the first temples that was built in
the world unto the honour of the blessed virgine Marye. It is called
Coe/i, because in it blessed St. Bernard deserved to see a ladder, which n
up even unto the very heavens. In this Church whosoever say Masse, or
cause Mass there to be said for the soules that are in Purgatory, the afoi
soules are delivered out of hand, thorow the vertue of the Masse an<i
merites of the blessed Virgine. Moreover whatsoever thinge is <U\
asked in that place, it is strayghtwayes wythoute all doubte obtayned. And
there is great aboundance of pardon a pcena et a culpa toties quotie*.
Works, vol. iii. fol. 202. It is the Church of Santa Maria in ara Call, which
crowns the summit of the Capitoline Hill, and is supposed to occupy tl
of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, or according toothers, Jupiter
It has on the outside a flight of one hundred and twenty-four st-
cian marble, which are said to have formed the ascent to the tern;
Romulus Quirinus.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 229

" Item, that all partakers 4 of the same gylde, and beeing sup-
porters thereof, which once a quarter, or every Friday or Saturday,
either in the said chappell in Saint Botulphs church, or any other
chappell. of their devotion shall say a Pater noster, Ave Maria^ and
Credo, or shall say or cause to be said masses, for soules departed
in paines of purgatorie, shall not onelie have the full remission
due to them which visite the chappell of Scala Coeli, or of S. John
Lateran 5 ; but also the soules in purgatorie shall enjoy full remis-
sion, and bee released of all their paines.

" Item, that all the soules departed of the brothers and sisters
of the said gylde ; also the soules of their fathers and mothers
shall be partakers of all the praiers, suffragies, almoses, fastings,
masses, and mattens, pilgrimages, and all other good deeds of the
holy church militant for ever."

These indulgences, pardons, grants, and relaxations were given
and granted by pope Nicholas the fift, pope Pius 2. pope Sixtus,
and pope Julius the second ; of which pope Julius it seemeth,
that Cromwell obtained this pardon aforesaid, about the yeare of
our Lord 1510. Which pardon againe afterward through the
request of king Henry, an. 1526. was confirmed by pope Clement 6
the seventh. — And thus much concerning the pardon of Boston,
renewed by the meanes of Thomas Cromwell, of pope Julius the
second.

All this while it appeareth, that Cromwell had yet no sound
taste nor judgement of religion, but was wilde and youthfull,
without sense or regard of G-od and his worde, as hee himselfe
was woont ofttimes to declare unto Cranmer archbishop of Can-
terbury, shewing what a ruffian he was in his yong daies ; and
how he was in the wars of the duke of Bourbon at the siege of
Rome r, also what a great doer he was with Geffrey Chambers in
publishing and setting forth the pardon of Boston every where in
churches as hee went ; and so continued, till at length by learn-
ing the text of the New Testament without booke of Erasmus'

4 All partakers.'] See Lewis's Life of Wickliffe, p. 24, 5. edit. 1820; who
gives a copy of one of these Letters of Fraternity, as they are called.

5 S. John Lateran.~\ Of the privileges of the Church of St. John Lateran
at Rome, an ample account, containing many very curious particulars, may
be found in Becon's Works, vol. iii. fol. 199, 200.

6 Pope Clement .] Of the bull of this pope, Becon gives a copious abstract,
Works, vol. iii. fol. 359.

" At the siege of RomeJ] After mentioning Robertson's account, Dr.
Maitland says ; " If the historian had been writing with a view to the
religious and ecclesiastical aspect and bearing of the matter, he might perhaps

230 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

translation 8 in his going and comming from Rome (as is afore-
said), he began to be touched and called to better understanding.

In this meane time Thomas Woolsey, cardinall of Yorke, began
to beare a great port in England, and almost to rule all under the
king, or rather with the king ; so that the freshest wits, and of
best towardnesse, most commonly sought unto him. Anum^
whome was also Thomas Cromwell to his service advanced ; win TO
he continued a certaine space of yeares, growing up in office and
authoritie, till at length he was preferred to be sollicitour to the
cardinall.

There was also about the same time, or not much different, in
the houshould of the said cardinall, Thomas More, afterward
knight, and chauncellor of England ; and Steven Gardiner, after
bishop of Winchester, and of the king's councell. All these
three were brought up in one houshould, and all of one standing
almost together. Whose ages as they were not greatly discrepant,
nor their wits much unequal ; so neither was their fortune and
advancements greatly divers, albeit their dispositions and studies
were most contrarie. And thogh peradventure in More and in
Gardiner there was more arte of the letters, and skill of learniiiLC ;
yet notwithstanding there was in this man a more heavenly light
of the minde, and more prompt and perfect judgement, eloqu
equall, and as may be supposed, in this man more pregnant ; and
finally in him was wrought a more heroicall and princely di>posi-

have added, that among the victors there were some at least who had
in them an element distinct from * the ferocity of the Germans, the avarice
of the Spaniards, or the licentiousness of the Italians,' which manifested
itself, not merely in the desecration of sacred places, but in ridicule of the
ministers and services of religion ; in mock processions, and a mock eh
of Luther for pope.

" I refer, however, to this historical event principally in order to observe
that there is said to have been among the followers of the duke of Bourbon
(whether he was among the mock cardinals who rode in procession on asses,
I do not know) an Englishman, of low birth, vicious habits, and infidel princi-
ples, who afterwards became of terrific importance to the Church of England.
His friends tell us that, in after life he described himself as having formerly
been a 'ruffian;' and it is likely that at the time when this happened \\hether
he was there or not, he had no preference, and no respect, for either popery or
protestantism, and acted under no principle but that which taught him
the best he could for himself. If he was at the sacking of Rom
more likely that he was there in the service of Wolsey than as a 'troop
the duke of Bourbon.' Certainly he was soon afterwards a servant of the
cardinal, and continued to serve him until his disgrace in October, 1
Essays on the Reformation, p. 228.

8 Erasmus' translation.] Compare above, Life of Bilney, p. 26.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 231

tion, borne to greater affaires in the common wealth, and to the
singular helpe of many.

It happened that in this meane season, as Cromwell was placed
in this office to be sollicitour to the cardinall, the said cardinall
had then in hand the building of certaine colleges, namely his
college in Oxford, called then Frideswide, now Christs Church.
By reason whereof, certain small monasteries and priories, in
divers places of the realme, were by the said cardinall suppressed,
and the lands seased to the cardinals hands. The doing whereof
was committed to the charge of Thomas Cromwel. In the expe-
dition whereof he shewed himselfe verie forward and industrious ;
in such sort as in the handling thereof, he procured to himselfe
much grudge with divers of the superstitious sort, and with some
also of noble calling about the king. And thus was Cromwell
first set a worke 9 by the cardinall, to suppresse religious houses.
Which was about the yeare of our Lord, 1525.

9 Cromwell first set a worke.'] A list of the monasteries dissolved for the
erection of Cardinal College, Oxford, amounting in number to twenty, with
the names of their founders, and values, is given in Strype's Eccles. Memo-
rials, vol. i. p. 88. Appendix. The pope's bulls, and the king's letters
patent authorizing the dissolution are in great part published, along with
other pertinent documents, by Dr. Fiddes in his Appendix of Records to the
Life of Wolsey. See also Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 705, &c.

This act of the cardinal, which gave the first employment of that nature
to Cromwell, and led the way to the utter overthrow of the monasteries and
other religious houses, in which Cromwell was so important an agent, did
not, as Fox indeed intimates, pass without severe animadversions, even while
it was carrying into execution. King Henry himself, it appears, had too
much good sense, not to be full of apprehensions respecting its illegality ; as
he writes in a letter to the cardinal : " As touching the help of religious
houses to the building of your college, I would it were more, so it were law-
fully ; for my intent is none, but that it should appear so to all the world ;
and the occasion of all their mumbling might be secluded and put away.
For surely there is great murmuring of it, throughout all the realm, both
good and bad . . . This grieveth me, I assure you, to hear it spoken of him,
which I so entirely love." Fiddes's Life of Wolsey, p. 378. edit. 2nd.

A very few years after, when the grand overthrow was approaching, the
precedent given by the cardinal is adverted to in a passage, full of bitter re-
flections on the past, and trembling forebodings of the future, by bishop
Barlowein his Dialogue concerning the Lutheran factions. The characters have
been speaking of what had already been done of the like kind in Germany.
" Nicholas. Oure Lorde forbyd that it shuld chaunce so here ! Wyllyam.
Yet lacke there not in England, that wyshe ful hartely after suche a ruffelyng
chaunge ; the more parte suche as hope to wyn, and have nothyng to lese ;
and yet some so mad that have of theyr owne, and whyche happely might re-

232 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

As this passed on, it was not long, but the cardinall which
had gotten up so high, began to come down as fast, first from
the chancellorship, in which rome was placed Sir Thomas More ;
then he fell into a premunire : so that his houshold being dis-
solved, Thomas Cromwell amongst other, laboured also to be
retained into the kings service.

There was at the same time one Sir Christopher Hales knight,
master of the rolles, who notwithstanding he was then a mighty
papist, yet bare he such favour and good liking to Cromwell that
hee commended him to the king, as a man most fit for his pur-
pose, having then to do against the pope. But heere before is to
be understoode, that Cromwell had greatly beene complained of,
and diffaimed by certaine of authority about the king, for his
rude manner and homely dealing in defacing the monkes houses,
and in handling of their altars, &c. Wherefore the king hearing
of the name of Cromwell began to detest the mention of him ;
neither lacked there some standers by, who with reviling words
ceased not to increase and inflame the kings hatred against him.
What their names were it shall not neede here to recite. Among
other there present at the same hearing, was the lord Rus- 1.
earle of Bedford 10, whose life Cromwel before had preserved at

pent it fyrst of all. / let passe my lord cardinals acte in pullyny down? and
suppressing of religious places, our Lord assoile his soule ! I will wrestle with
no soules. He knoweth by this tyme, whether he dyd well or evill. But thys
dare I be bolde to saye, that the countreis where they stode, fynde suche
lacke of them, that they woulde he had let them stand. And thinke you then
that there would be no lack founden, if the remanaunt were so served too ? "
signat. H 3. edit. 1553.

10 Earle of Bf>dford.~\ Sir John Russell, when about to return to England
in 1525, from Italy, where he had been in negotiation with the duke of Bour-
bon, passed through Bologna. A plot was formed to seize upon his person
and to send him prisoner to Paris, a measure thought likely to gratify I-
of Savoy, then regent of France, and to help towards the liberation of her son
Francis, who had been taken at the battle of Pavia. Some have said that
the municipality of Bologna were bribed by Francis to betray Russell, and
Sir John's subsequent challenge of the king at Paris gives some colour to
that supposition. The plot is stated to have been discovered by Cromwell.
then a soldier of fortune ; he concerted the means of gaining access :
John, and of effecting his escape from an apartment in an hotel ol th
which the soldiers of the gonfaloniere had beset. Cromwell passed hi.
off to the authorities as a Neapolitan acquaintance of the knight, and jnc
them, if they would leave the business to him, to induce their intended victim
to yield himself to their discretion. By his contrivances Sir John esc
safely to Mantua, and grateful to Cromwell for his unlooked for pi

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 233

Bonony, through politike conveyance, at what time, the said
earle comming secretly in the kings affaires, was there espied ;
and therefore being in great danger to be taken, through the
meanes and policie of Cromwell escaped.

This lord Russell therefore not forgetting the old benefites
past, and with like gratuity willing againe to requite that hee
had received, in a vehement boldnes stoode forth, to take upon
him the defence of Thomas Cromwell, uttering before the king-
many commendable words in the behalfe of him, and declaring
withall how by his singular devise and policy, he had done for
him at Bononie, beeing there in the kings affaires, in extreame
perill. And forasmuch as now his majesty had to doe with the
pope, his great enemie, there was (he thought) in all England
none so apt for the kings purpose, which could say or doe more
in that matter, than could Thomas Cromwell ; and partly he gave
the king to understand wherein. The king hearing this, and
specially marking the latter ende of his talke, was contented and
willing to talke with him, to heare and know what he could say.

This was not so privily done, but Cromwell had knowledge
incontinent, that the king would talke with him, and whereupon :
and therefore providing before hand for matter, had in a readi-
nesse the copie of the bishops oath, which they use commonly to
make to the pope at their consecration : and so being called for,
was brought to the king in his garden at Westminster, which
was about the yeare of our Lord, 1530.

Cromwell after most loyall obeysance, doing his dutie to the
king, according as hee was demanded, made his declaration in all
pointes, this especially making manifest unto his highnesse, how
his princely authority was abused within his owne realme, by the
pope and his clergie ; who being sworne unto him, were after-
ward dispensed from the same, and sworne anew unto the pope ;
so that he was but as halfe king ', and they but halfe his subjects

entreated his company to the English court, promising to recommend him to
the king. Cromwell however remained in Italy till after the sacking of Rome
and the death of Bourbon. When he came to England, Russell commended
Cromwell to Wolsey, whom he served first as a steward, then as a solicitor,
and lastly in that defence before the Commons which laid the basis of his
future exaltation. See vol. i. p. 6. Wiffen's Memoirs of the House of Russell,
i. 266. See also a tragedy, falsely attributed to Shakspeare, entitled " The
Life and Death of Thomas, Lord Cromwell"

1 But as halfe king.'] Compare Parliamentary History, vol. i. p. 519.

So Wickliffe in his Complaint exhibited to the King and Parliament ; "The
chief lordshippe in this lond of all temporalities, both of secular men and re-

234 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

in his owne land ; which, said hee, was derogatorie to his crowne,
and utterly prejudiciall to the common lawes of his realme :
declaring thereupon how his majestic might accumulate to liim-
selfe great riches, so much as all the clergie in his realme \\as
worth, if it so pleased him to take the occasion now offered.
The king giving good eare to this, and liking right well his
advice, required if he could avouch that which he spake. All
this hee could (he said) avouch to be certaine, so well, as that
hee had the copie of their owne oath * to the pope, there present

ligious, pertaines to the king of his general governing : for else he were not
king of al England, but of a littel part thereof." P. 10. James's edition.

Again, king James, in his first speech in parliament after his accession, in
160 3, thus speaks of the papists : "As long as they are disconformable in re-
ligion from us, they can be but half my subjects : be able to do but half ser-
vice : and I want the best half of them, which is their souls." Parliamentary
History, vol. i. p. 984.

2 The copie of their owne oathJ] The authority usurped by the bishops of
Rome did not, in this point, any more than in so many other like instances,
reach the height to which it had now attained, but by a long train of gradual
and successful encroachments. Lewis, in his Life of Bishop Pecock, has given
us some account of several of these oaths, differing from each other, in each
successive century, hardly in any other respect, but in an increasing grada-
tion of submissions to the Romish dominion. See p. 122—9. In Duck's
Life of Chichele, p. 12 (Bates's edition), in Wilkins's Condi. , vol. iii. p.
and in Strype's Cranmer, p. 9, Appendix, may be found the oaths taken
severally by the archbishops Chichele, Warham, and Cranmer. — There were
not wanting others about these times, who pressed upon Henry's mind the
inconsistency of this oath with their allegiance to the king. See Supplication
of Dr. Robert Barnes to King Henry VIII., Works, p. 195— 2OO, &c. Soon
after the interview with Cromwell, above related, the king made a communi-
cation upon this subject to the house of commons, of which Fox gives the
following particulars.

" Not long after that, the king perceiving belike the minds of the clergy
not much favouring his cause, sent for the speaker and twelve of the com-
mons house, having with him eight lords, and said to them, ' Well- beloved
subjects, we had thought the clergy of our realme had been our su!
wholly, but now we have well perceived, that they are but halfe our sul»
for all the prelates at their consecration make an oth to the pope, clean*
trary to the oath that they make unto us, so that they seeme to be hi-
jects and not ours :' and so the king delivering to them the copie of the oth,
required them to invent some other, that he might not be thus deluded <
spiritual subjects. The speaker thus departed, and caused the oth to be
in the commons house ; the very tenor whereof hereof ensiu-th.

" ' The oth of the Cltrgy to the Pope.

" ' I John Bishop, or Abbot of A ; from this houre forward shall be faithful
and obedient to Saint Peter, and to the holy Church of Rome, to my I
the pope, and his successors canonic-ally entering. I shall not be of COL

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 235

to shew, and that no lesse also he could manifestly proove, if his
highnesse woulde give him leave : and therewith shewed the
bishoppes oathe unto the king.

The king following the veine of his coimcell, tooke his ring
off his finger, and first admitting him into his service, sent him
therewith to the Convocation house among the bishops. Crom-
well comming with the king^s signet boldly into the clergie house,
and there placing himselfe among the bishopps, (William War-
ham being then archbishop) began to make his oration, de-
claring unto them the authoritie of a king, and the office of
subjectes, and especially the obedience of bishops and church-
men under publicke lawes, necessarily provided for the profit and
quiet of the commonwealth. Which lawes notwithstanding they
had all transgressed, and highly offended in derogation of the
kings royall estate, falling in the lawe of Premunire, in that not
onely they had consented to the power legative [legatine] of the
cardinall, but also in that they had all sworne to the pope, con-
trarie to the fealtie of their soveraigne lord the king, and there-
fore had forfaited to the king all their goods, chattels, lands,
possessions, and whatsoever livings they had. — The bishops hear-
ing this, were not a little amazed, and first began to excuse, and
deny the fact. But after that Cromwell had shewed them the
very copy of their oathe made to the pope at their consecration,

or consent, that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken, or
suffer any violence, or any wrong by any meanes. Their counsell to me
credited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to
any person. The popedom of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers, and the
regalities of Saint Peter, I shal helpe and retaine, and defend against al men.
The legate of the see apostolicke, both going and coming, I shal honourably
entreate. The rightes, honours, priviledges, authorities of the church of Rome
and of the pope, and his successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defended,
augmented, and promoted. I shal not be in counsell, treaty, or any acte in
which any thing shall be imagined against him or the church of Rome ; their
rights, states, honours, or powers : and if I knew any such to be moved or
compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soone as I can, I shal adver-
tize him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers,
the decrees, ordinances, sentences, depositions, reservations, provisions, or
commandments apostolicke, to my power I shall keepe, and cause to be kept
of other. Heretickes, schismatickes, and rebels to our holy father and his
successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power. I shall come to the
synod when I am called, except I be letted by a canonical impediment. The
threshold of the apostles I shall visite personally, or by my deputy. I shall
not aliene or sell my possessions, without the pope's counsell. So God help
me and the holy Evangelistes ! ' " Fox's Acts, p. 961. Compare Christian
Institutes, vol. iv. p. 126 — 9.

236 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

and the matter was so plaine, that they could not deny it they
began to shrinke, and to fall to intreatie, desiring respite to pause
upon the matter. Notwithstanding, the ende thereof fell so out.
that to be quit out of that premunire 3, by act of parliament, it
cost them to the king for both the provinces, Canturburyaml Yorkr.
no lesse then one hundred eighteene thousand, eight hundred and
forty pounds, which was about the yeare of our Lord, 1530.

After this, an. 1532, Sir Thomas Cromwell growing in gi-
favour with the king, was made knight and maister of the kin^s
Jewell house, and shortly after was admitted also in the kin<j>
councell, which was about the comming in of queen Anne Bullen.
Furthermore, within two yeares after the same, an. 1534, he was
made maister of the Rolles, Doctor Tailor being discharged.

Thus Cromwell springing up in favour and honour, after this.
in the yeare 1537, a little before the birth of king Edward, was
made knight of the garter, and not long after was advaunced to
the earledome of Essex4, and made great chamberlaine of Eng-
land. Over and besides all which honours, he was constitute also
vicegerent to the king 5, representing his person. Which office
although it standeth well by the lawe, yet seldome hath i

3 Of that premunire.'] See Fox's Acts, p. 959. Wilkins's Concilii, vol. iii.
p. 725—43. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 102—9. Edit.
Collier's Eccles. Hist., vol. ii. p. 61 — 3. But the most elaborate and
factory account of the whole of this famous transaction, with its connexions
and dependencies, the overthrow of the pope's and the enactment of the
king's supremacy, is given by Dr. Wake in his State of the Church and Clergy
of England, p. 4/4 — 80, &c.

4 Advaunced to the earledome of Essex.'] April 17, 1539.

5 Vicegerent to the kingJ] His commission to this appointment may be found
in Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. book ii. no. 20, and in Wil-
kins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 784, &c. " His offices of vicar-general and of vice-
gerent," as Burnet tells us, "are often confounded;" but adds, "tin
different places, and held by different commissions. By the former he had
no authority over the bishops, nor had he any precedence ; but the other, as
it gave him precedence next to the royal family, so it clothed him with \\
plete delegation of the king's whole power in ecclesiastical affairs.

years he was only vicar-general." Burnet, vol. i. p. 17^. ''The kiiiL;
stituted him for due administration of justice, in all causes and cast
ing ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; as well as for godly information and rcdi
all errors, heresies, and abuses of the church (us the act of parliament 1
:U Henry VIII. C. 10). Yet beeause there was no < \ample, either of kr
Israel (they said), though lawfully in their own persons, enjoying this
power of spiritual and temporal —or of pope deriving their whole'
ral power immediately on any else (especially a secular person) tin
it strange." Herbert's Life of Henry nil , p. 466.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 237

been seene any besides this Cromwell alone, either to have sus-
tained it, or else to have so furnished the same with counsaile and
wisedome, as Cromwell did. — And thus much hitherto concerning
the steppes and degrees of the lord Cromwelles rising up to dignitie
and high estate.

Now somewhat would be said likewise of the noble actes, the
memorable examples, and worthy vertues not drowned by ease of
honour in him, but increased rather, and quickened by advaunce-
ment of authoritie and place, to worke more aboundantly in the
commonwealth. Among the which his worthy acts and other
manifold vertues, in this one chiefely above all other riseth his
commendation, for his singular zeale and laborious travell bestowed
in restoring the true church of Christ, and subverting the syna-
gogue of antichrist, the abbeies, I meane, and religious houses of
friers and monkes. For so it pleased almighty God by the
meanes of the said lord Cromwell, to induce the king to suppresse
first the chauntries, then the friers houses and small monasteries,
till at length all the abbeies in England both great and lesse, were
utterly overthrowne and pluckt up by the rootes. The which
act and enterprise of him, as it may give a president of singular
zeale to all realmes christened, which no prince yet to this day
scarse dare follow ; so to this realme of England it wrought such
benefite and commoditie, as the fruit thereof yet remaineth, and
will remaine still in the realme of England, though we seeme
little to feele it. Rudely and simply I speake what I suppose,
without prejudice of other which can inferre any better reason.
In the meane time my reason is this : that if God had not raised
up this Cromwell as he did, to be the instrument of rooting out
the abbeies and celles of strange religion, — what other men see,
I know not ; for my part I never yet saw in this realme any
such Cromwell since Cromwels time, whose heart and courage
might not sooner have beene subverted with the money and bribes
of abbots, then he to have subverted any abbey in all England.

But here I must of necessitie answere the complaint of certain
of our countrey men. For so I heare of many the subversion of
these monasteries to be reprehended, as evill and wicked. u The
building (say they) might have been converted unto schooles and
houses of learning. The goods and possessions might have beene
bestowed to much better and more godly use of the poore, and
maintaining of hospitaltie." Neither doe I deny, but that these
things are well and godly spoken of them, and could willingly
embrace their opinion with my whole hart, if I did not consider

238 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

herein a more secret and deeper meaning of God's holy pro-
vidence, than at the first blush peradventure to all men doth
appear e.

And first to admit the wicked and execrable life of these
religious orders, full of all feditie 8, and found out by the king's

6 Of allfeditieJ] Bishop Burnet having made a remark of a special nature,
not inapplicable to this general invective of Fox, it may be right to produce
it, with the remark upon it by Henry Wharton ; and then to add from the
same volume a few other passages connected with the former history, and
present dissolution of the monasteries.

"The monks," (says the bishop, p. 189, vol. ii.) "became lewd and disso-
lute, and so impudent in it, that some of their farms were let, for bringing in
a yearly tribute to their lusts.*'

" God forbid," proceeds the critic, " that any professors of Christianity,
much less the greatest pretenders to it, should be guilty of such monstrous
wickedness, or that any others should believe it of them, without evident
proof. This accusation is taken from Fuller's Church History (p. 318), who
relates no more than one example of this kind, and that of a convent, not of
monks, but of canons regular (of Waltham), not upon his own knowledge,
but the single testimony of a most notorious lying villain, Stephen Mershall ;
and after all, is so ingenuous that he professes himself to disbelieve it. — On
the contrary, our author suppresses his authority, and brings no other testi-
mony ; raises the number from one to many, and delivers a dubious matter
as a thing most certain. Surely if the monks had been guilty of any
thing, it could not have escaped the knowledge of their visitors, who searched
and divulged all their faults with the utmost industry; nor would it have
been unknown to Bale, brought up among them," (». e. among the Carmel-
ites,) " nor omitted by him in his ' English Votaries,' wherein he has set
himself to defame the monastic order, and the unmarried clergy, with in-
satiable malice : nor would instances of it be wanting in those many leiger
books of the monasteries still remaining, wherein they registered all their
leases, and that for their own private use." Specimen of Errors, p. 41, 2.

Again, in another cardinal point, their disposition, in comparison with that
of the secular clergy, to translate and therewith to promote the knowledge
and study of the Holy Scriptures: the bishop having affirmed (p. 194) "the
use of the Scripture in the vulgar tongue, continued for several ages, till the
state of monkery arose, and then, it was not consistent with their designs,
nor with the arts used to promote them, to let the Scriptures be much
known."

Wharton proceeds, "The order of monks is now extinct in England, so
that whatsoever may be said against them, there is no danger of a reply
them. Yet still so much respect is owing to the readers, as not to in
any thing upon them, which hath not at least the appearance of truth.
this accusation will not have to those, who know with what induMi
monks of many nations, but more especially here in England, translate
Scriptures into the vulgar tongue. We have the names left of seven Kh
monks, who, before the conquest, translated the Scriptures, or some p;>
it, into the Saxon tongue. After the conquest we do not find so many trans-

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 239

visitours, and in their registers also recorded, so horrible to be
heard, so incredible to be beleeved, so stinking before the face of

lations made ; but of those which were made, as many were owing to the
monks, as to the secular clergy." Ibid. p. 43. Of their general application
to study and learning, in different ages, see the same work, p. 12 — 14.

But, another point of moment is the alleged enormous extent, and the im-
puted mismanagement of their temporal possessions.

"About the end of the 8th century " (Hist. Reformat, p. 187). "the monks
had possessed themselves of the greatest part of the riches of the nation,"
(So also part ii. preface, p. 9,) "and the best part of the soil of England
being in such ill hands, it was the interest of the whole kingdom to have it
put to better uses."

" Such high figures and hyperbolical expressions are better reserved for
harangues, and do not well agree with history. The end of the eighth cen-
tury was the year of our Lord God, at which time very few monasteries had
been yet founded ; nor had the monks then in all appearance gained posses-
sion of the hundredth part of the riches of the nation. Afterwards indeed,
they increased exceedingly in number, riches, and possessions, especially in
the 10th, llth, and 12th centuries: but after all, upon a just account, they
will not be found, even in title, to have possessed above a fifth part of the
nation, and considering that long before the reformation, they were wont to
lease out their lands to laymen for easy fines, and small rents, as bishops,
and deans and chapters now do ; it may be truly said that they did not in
reality possess the tenth part of the riches of the nation. — Now for that other
charge, that the best part of the soil of the nation, being in such ill hands, it
was the interest of the nation to have it put to better uses, it is altogether
erroneous. From the beginning to the end, none ever improved their lands
and possessions to better advantages, by building, cultivation, and all other
methods, than the monks did, while they kept them in their own hands, and
when they leased them out to others, it was the interest of the nation to have
such easy tenures continued to great numbers of persons who enjoyed them.
To this may be added, they contributed to the public charges of the nation
equally with the other clergy ; and the clergy " (voting their own subsidies
in convocation) " did always contribute in proportion above the laity, so that
we cannot find to what better uses these possessions have been since put ;
save only that inconsiderable part of them which remains to bishoprics, cathe-
drals, and schools, founded by king Henry VIII." Ibid. p. 40, 1.

Lastly, the reader is desired to observe that the principle of the sur-
render of their property, by the parties in possession, was recognised as an
indispensable condition, previous to the commencement of the work of seizure
and spoliation. Some bowed the head to the storm, in the spirit of meek-
ness and submission, and gave in their consent. But, in a vast number of
cases, the means resorted to were such as have been described shortly by
Lodge, in his Portraits of Illustrious Personages, vol. i. art. Cromwell, as
follows :

"The principals of some religious houses were induced to surrender by
threats; those of others, by pensions: and when both those methods failed, the

240 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

God and man, that no marvaile it is if God^s vengeance from
heaven provoked, would not suffer any stone or monument of
"these abhominable houses to be unplucked up. But (as I said.
letting these things passe under chaste silence, which for
shame will abhorre any story to disclose:) let us now con
the first institution of these orders and houses of monkerie, and
consider how and to what end they were first instituted and
erected here among the Saxons, at the first foundation of them,
about the time 666.

In the former part of this history, declaration was mad*
whom, and at what time these monkish houses here in England
among the Saxons (flowing no doubt out of the order of S.
Benet, and brought in by Augustine) began first to be founded,
as by Augustine the monke, Furseus, Medulphus, Aldanns,
Leswinus bishop of Dorcester, Dunstane and divers others.

The end and finall cause 7 why they were builded, appeaivth in
stories to be, pro remissione et redemptione peccator>
remedio et liberatione animce ; pro amore ccelestis patria .
eleemosinam animce ; in remissionem criminum ; pro salute regno-
rum ; pro salute et requie animarum patrum et matrum, fraf
et sororum nostrarum, parentum, et omnium benefactoi
honorem gloriosce Virginia, &c. As maie appeare in an<
histories, in olde charters and donations unto religious hoi;
and in the chronicle of Ingulphus ; as also all other stories be full
of the same.

So king Ethelstane for killing his brother Edwine. builded
monasteries, Midleton, and Michelney, for his soule. \\ liich
doctrine and institution, for so much as it tendeth and soundeth
directly against the foundation of Christian religion, againM
testament of God, the gospell of Jesus Christ, the i'reednn
our redemption, and free justification by faith, it is then -fn;

most profligate monks were sought for, and bribed to accuse their gover
and their hrethren, of horrible crimes. Agents were employed to violate i
and then to accuse them, and, by inference, their respective soeieti-
incontinence. All who were engaged in this wretched mission, took n,
of the terrifii .I sulIVrers as a price of a forbearance which it was not in
pi nvcr to grant. Cromwell himself accepted great sums fioin srventl n.
teries, to save them i'min th:it ruin which he alone knew to he inev:1

\ecuted his eoiii:iii»Moii, however, entirely to IleniV
tion, and received the most splendid iv \\:

7 And finall cause.] With Fox's arguments upon this question, com]
Novell's (dean) Reproof of Dorman's Proof, fol. 13, 14 b. 4to. 1565.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 241

be condemned as execrable and horrible, as evill or worse than
the life of the persons, and not only worthy to be suppressed to
the foundation, but to be marvailed rather that God would suffer
it to stand so long. Albeit Gods mighty vengeance and scourge
hath not ceased from time to time, to work against such impious
foundations, from the time of their first setting up. For besides
the invasions of the Danes, (which may seeme to be stirred up of
God, especially for the subversion of abbeyes) let olde histories
be searched, what monasterie almost in all this realme, was
either left by the Danes, or reedified againe after the Danes, but
by some notorious casualtie of fire sent by Gods hand, it hath
beene burnt up ?

Furthermore, the more these abbeyes multiplied, and the
longer they continued in time, the more corruption still they
drew unto them. And albeit wee read the name of monkes to
have continued from the old ancient time, yet notwitstanding
the monkes of those daies were not like to the monkes of our
time, nor their houses then, like to our abbeyes now. So we
read of the monkes of Bangor before the comming of Augustine :
but those monkes got their living with toile and labour of their
hands, and had no other lands nor lordships to live upon.
Againe, neither were they as ministers then, but as laymen :
according as Hierom describeth the monks of his time, saying ;
" A monies office is not to preach, but to mourne. The state of a
monJce is one thing, and the state of a priest is another. Priestes
feede the flocke of Christ : I am fed" &c.

Also in the storie of Ingulphus abbot of Croyland, thus I
find, anno 1075. " Being installed in the abbey of Croyland, I
found there to the number of Ixii. monkes. Of which monkes,
four of them were lay brethren, besides the monkes of other
monasteries, which were also professed to our chapter, &c."

The like matter also appeareth in the fourth canon of the
councell of Chalcedon, where it is provided, Ne monachi se eccle-
siasticis negotiis immisceant, fyc. Et Leo, epist. 62, vetat monachos
et laicos, etsi scientice nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi
et concionandi.

Thus it appeareth about or before the time of Hierome, that
monkes in the first persecutions of the primitive church were laie
men, and companies of Christians associating themselves togither,
either for feare of persecution, or for eschewing the company of
heathen Gentiles. Afterward in continuance of time, when the

VOL. IF. R

242 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

gentiles began to be called to Christianitie, the monke>
keeping their name, and growing in superstition, would not joym-
with other Christians, but kept still their brotherhoods, dividing
themselves from other Christians, and professing a kinde of life
straunge and divers from the common trade. Upon this divcr-
sitieoflife and profession, followed also like diversitie of gar-
ments and attire differing from their other brethren. After this
moreover came in the rule of S. Benedict, injoining to them a
prescribed forme of going, of wearing, of watching, sin-pin^.
rising, praying, of silence, sole life and diet, and al things all
differing from the vulgar sort of common Christians.

Whereby men seeing their austeritie, began to have them in
great admiration. And thus growing up in opinion of holinc^

8 In opinion of holinesse.'] William Thomas, to whom we have already
several times indebted, in his contemporary Apology for King Henry VllL,
gives the following account of these matters : —

" His majestic, for the better discoveryng of those hypocrites, sent forth
commissioners into all the provinces of his realme :" and then, after a detail
of the results, quite as appalling as that of Fox, he thus proceeds :

"Upon the returne of these commissioners, when the kynge was fully
enformed of the case, incontinently he called his parliament. Butt, or ever
the counsellors of the same could assemble together, here came that abbot,
and there came that priour ; now came that abbesse, and then came that
freer from all partes of the realme unto the kynge, offerynge their monasteries
into his handes, besechyng him to pardon them their synnes de pcena onely,
and not de culpa : insomuch his majestic accepted many of them, and par-
doned them all, except a few onely of the most notable ribaulds \nd

thereupon followed the sayd parliament (in the which all these materes were
not onely published, butt also confessed by the false religious persons, brought
openly in judgment), and it was concluded, both by the barons, and ;i
the commons of the sayde parliament, that these monasteries should be
extirped, and the goodes and revenue thereof disposed as the kynge and hys
counsell should thinke it expedient.

" He made his learned doctoures to search out the grounde of these many
sortes of religion ; who conferryng the same substancially with the L
founde it to be cleane contrary to the Christian religion, by many mo r«
then T can well remembre. I shall here reherse one or two of them, to the
entent you may the better taist what wickedness, and what superstitions reli-
gion doth comprehend.

" First the religious do professe themselves to lyve muche more holyly than
the secular people do ; and by as muche as they can well perswade the world,
that they are no synners, butt rather just and upright persons, by this i
they have wyped themselfes cleane out of Christ's vocation, who sayth ( >
ix.), he came not to call the just persons, hut the synners.

"And then the good workes that they pretended to do, are all out

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 243

of lay men and labourers, they came at length to be clergymen,
and greatest doers of all other in Christes religion : insomuch

works, as apparelyng themselves in religious habite, syngyng and roryng out
in the queres, sayng of theyr servyce in Latine ; with matines and masses
and holy abstinence from fleshe this day and that morow, when they have
filled theyr belyes with good fish, fruite, and wyne : and such other are their
holy outward operacions. Whereas Christ exhorteth us to beware that we
worke not our justice before men, but secretly in gevyng of almes, that the
one hand know not of the other ; in quiet and hertie prayers, in fastyng, in
patience, and charitie, and so forth.

" Furthermore the vowes that these religious make, and that they teache
others to make, are cleane repugnaunt unto Christes doctryne, who teacheth
his faithful evermore humbly to submit themselves to the wyll of the Father;
as by the example of his prayer in the garden, the night before his death, it
is manifest. For when the flesh had prayed the Father to delyver hym from
the present passion, incontinently the spirit rebuked hymself, sayng, 'No
Father; not as I wyll, butt as thou wilt.' And yet these religious promysyng
unto God that which they are already bounde to observe, that is to say,
chastitie, obedience, and povertie, whiche in effecte the infirmitie of the flesh
aloweth no creature to performe, they wyll not that God deale wyth them as
he wyll, but as they themselfes wyll : who wyth theyr supersticious workes,
wyll enforce God to geve them, not onely health and welth in this world, butt
also paradise in the other world : and by theyr example have taught the
ignoraunt multitude, not to content themselves with the infirmities, adver-
sities, povertie, persecutions, and passions that God sendeth them in this
world ; but with vowes of images, of candles, of pilgrimage, of chaunge of
apparel, and suche other baggage ; to enforce God by his sayntes, and not by
Christ, to geve them helth, prosperitie, riches, and joye, accordyng to theyr
inconstaunt pleasure. And hereof hath folowed the byldyng of monasteries,
sinagoges, chappels, chauntreys ; with burnyng of lights, incense, syngyng of
masses, and ringing of bells, the blynde people belevyng with those worldly
tryfles to gratifie the divine majestic. — But what saith the prophet ? What
saieth Steven ; and what saieth Paul ? God, say they, dwelleth not in tem-
ples made with handes, nor can receyve nothing of any earthly matter. For
what thinge have we here, that he hath not created ? And what avayleth
unto God our foolish sacrifices, as Davyd sayth ? If thou, Lord, would have
sacrifices, I wold offer them unto thee ; butt the incense pleaseth thee not,
the true sacrifice unto God therefore is, the humble, contrite, and contented
spirite ; and not these temples, images, incense, flesh, fishe, or fruite. . . .

" Finally, these doctors found that Paul in his epistles, had reproved the
Corinthians for dividyng themselves after the names of those Christian
preachers who had bene ministers to theyr conversion, because some one
sayde ; I am of Paul, and another sayde, I am of Apollo, I of Cepha, and
I of Christ.— What (sayd Paul), was I crucified for you ? Is Christ divided
amongst you ? No ! (sayde he) ; I have taught you to be one self thinge in
Christ, without division either of name or of doing. — So that in conclusion,
these orders of Fraunces, of Dominike, of Benett, of Bryged, and of so many

R 2

244 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

that at last there was none reputed almost for a religious man or
perfect Christian unlesse he wereamonke: neither almost \\a-
any advanced to any dignitie of the church, but either he was n
monke, or afterwarde he put on monkes weed. According as in
the stories of this realme is to be scene, how in the time of
Dunstan archbishop of Canturbury, of Ethelwold bishop of
Worcester, and of Oswald bishop of Winchester, pope John
13, writing to king Edgar, willed him in his letters, to sec in
his cathedrall churches none to bee promoted to be bishops,
but such as were of the monasticall religion : and willed him
moreover to exclude the secular prebendaries at Winchester, and
to place in monkes, and that none of the secular clarkes there
should bee chosen bishop, but either taken out of the same con-
vent of that church, or of some other abbey.

So was also king Henry the second commanded to do in the
house of Waltham, where the secular canons were remooved out.
and regular canons intruded. The same did Oswald bishop with
the church of Worcester. Likewise in their sees did Dun-
archbishop of Canterbury, Osketellus archbishop of Yorkf.
Ethelwold bishop of Worcester (who in stories is reported to be

others, now condemned by these doctours, are thynges cleane contrary
the true Christian religion, in which all the faithful in Christe, bounde toge-
ther with the knot of charitie, are regenerate to one selfe order and rule,
without difference either of name, habit, or colour.

" Wherefore the kynge beyng clerely perswaded of all handes that this
unhappy, ydle, and devilish generation, was necessary to be rooted out of
this world, proceded then to the destruction of those synagoges with the self
same diligence Titus and Vespacianus used towardes the destruction of
Hierusalem. — And dyd he not therein as he shold do, trow you ?

" Yea, sayd one of the gentylmen, if he had disposed these things to the use
of the poore and nedeful, and not taken it to his own private commoaitie.—
Agaynst the poore, sayd I, I will not speake ; butt this muche I wyll say, that
if the substaunce had bene converted unto the poore, the poore should have
become richer than the princes and nobles : for our religious in England
quasi nihil habentes, et omnia possidentes, not in spirit but in dede. — I wote
how your freeres here in Italie observe their sworne povertie. — And yc*
is well true, that his majestie in dyvers provinces of the realme, hath
verted parte of those monasteries towardes the brynpryng up of orpl
and sustentacion of the poore ; though well that parte be but a small «,
titie in respect of the whole. — And thus, because I wyll not be tedious,
havyng sayde enough, as me semeth, upon thys poynt, I wyll now ai
unto the insurrection of the North.'9 P. 74—82.

Compare also Nowell's Reproof of Dorman's Disproof t fol. 13, 4 ; w
the argument is prosecuted in a manner very similar to the above.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 245

Multorum fundator monasteriorum), Leswinus also, bishop of
Dorcester, with other bishops mo about the time and raigne of
king Edgar. Odo archbishop of Canturburie before Dunstane,
an. 934, after his election refused to take that dignitie upon him,
before he had received the habite of a monke in the abbey of
Florence in France, because as the story telleth (if it be true)
Nuttus ad id tempus nisi monacJiali schemate indutus, archiepis-
copus fuisset. That is, Because al the archbishops of Cantur-
bury before him, had been monkes. In like maner Baldwinus
also, an. 1114, after hee was elected archbishop of Canturbury,
tooke upon him the habite and profession of Mereton abbey.
And so did Reginaldus his next successor after him.

As concerning therefore the origine of monkes, yee have heard
how first they began of lay men onely, leading a straiter life from
the societie of other persons ; who then following the rule of S.
Benet, were called regulars and votaries ; and yet all this while
had nothing to doe with any ecclesiasticall ministerie, till the
time of pope Bonifacius the fourth, an. 609, who then made a
decree, that monkes might use the office of preaching, of chris-
tening, of hearing confessions, and assoyling men of their sinnes,
differing from priests onely in this, that they were called Regu-
lares, and priests were called Secular es. The monkes were vota-
ries, the priests had free libertie to have wives, till the time of
Lanfranke and Anselme. Albeit Athanasius in his epistle Ad
Dracontium, witnesseth also, that he knew monkes in the old
time and bishops, which were married and had children. Fur-
thermore, as ignorance and superstition with time increased, so
the number and swarme of monkes still more and more multi-
plied, in such sort, as not onlie they thrust out secular priestes
from their houses, but also out of them were made, popes, cardi-
nals, archbishops, and bishops, to governe churches. Of which
number began Austen the first archbishop of the see of Canter-
bury and the most part of all other archbishops after him, untill
the time of the conquest, and after.

Ah1 this while the friers were not yet come. Neither the disci-
pline of S. Dominike, nor the testament of S. Francis, nor the
order of the Austen brothers, nor of the Carmelites was yet heard
of. • Which at last came in with their pageants, and plaied their
part likewise, an. 1220, beeing much more full of hypocrisie,
blindness, idolatry, and superstition, than were the monkes : so
that, what with monkes on the one side, and with the friers of

246 CROMWELL. EARL OF ESSEX.

the other side, while all things were ruled by the rules of Saint
Benet, by the canons of the Pope, by the doctrine of S. Dominike,
and by the testament of S. Francis, Christs Testament was trod-
den under foote 9, the rule of Gods word neglected, true Christian
religion defaced, faith forgotten, the right way of salvation abolished,
sound doctrine oppressed, Christs servants persecuted, and the
peoples soules uncomforted, yea and the true Church of Christ
almost cleane extirped ; had not almightie God (who can not
forget his promise) provided remedie in time, in raising up this
Cromwell his servant, and other like champions, to cut up from
the roote the houses of them, which otherwise would utterly have
rooted up the house of the Lord, and had subverted a great part
already.

Wherefore, whosoever findeth himself agreeved with Crom\\
doings in suppressing these monasteries of monkes and frier-
him wisely consider with himselfe, first the doctrine, laxves and
traditions of these men ; which hee shall finde rebelling to the
religion of Christ, pernitious to our salvation, derogatori
Christs glory, full of much blasphemie and damnable idolatry.
Secondly, let him likewise well advise the horrible and execrable

9 Trodden under foote. ~\ So Wickliffe urges in his Treatise against the Friers,
p. 58 (A..D. 1608. James's edit.). "Friars also by Lucifer's pride higher
themselves, and holden them holier than all other out of their sect, for as
much as they binden them to new traditions, of sinful men, the which be full
of errour over" (i. e. over and above,) "the most sufficient rule of Jesu
Christ, that left no profitable ne needful thing out of his rule. For though a
priest or bishop do never so truelie the office that God bade priests d
they saien he is more holie if he come to their new fained religion and obe-
dience. They have founden a better religion than Christ made for his apostles
and priests, so it seems that they maken themselves wiser than Christ, more
wittie, and more full of charitie; sith they teachen better way to h(
than Christ did." — Again, "monks should learn what is active life and
contemplative, and then they might know, that they have neither the
nor the other ; since they consider more the vain statutes of sinful men, and
perchance of devils, than the commands of God, works of mercy, and points
of charity." Writings of the rev. and learned John Wickliffe, D.D. p. 141.
London. 1831.

And hence it is, that Wickliffe, after affirming in his Treatise against Fi ,
that they " been the cause, beginning, and maintaining of perturbation in
Christendom, and of all evils of this worlde," concludes with s..
"these errours shullen never be amended til friars be broughte tofreedome of
the gospel, and cleane religion of Jesu Christ." (p. 62.) Words which
be regarded as almost a prophetic anticipation of what was to befall then.
the world, 150 years after, under king Henry VIII.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 247

lives of these cloysterers, or at the least search out the rolles and
registers of matters found out by inquisition in King Henry the 8.
his daies, against them : which here is not to be spoken of,
unlesse we will speak as Matthew Paris speaketh of the court
of Rome ; Cujus fcetor usque ad nubes fumum teterrimum ex-
halabat.

All which things well considered, what marvell is it then, if
Grod of his just judgement did set up the aforesaid lord Cromwell
to destroy these sinfull houses, whome their owne corruptions
could suffer no longer to stand ? And as touching the dissipation
of their lands and possessions to the handes of such as they were
bestowed upon, if it so pleased the king in bestowing those abbey
lands upon his nobles and gentlemen, either to restore them againe
unto them from whence they came, or else to gratifie his nobilitie,
by that meanes of policie not to mislike his doings, what is that
to Cromwell ? — " But they might (say you) have beene much
better employed to other more fruitful uses.'1 Brieflie to aunswere
thereunto ; what may bee done presently in a commonwealth, is
not enough to say : but what may also follow must be considered.
If this throwing downe of abbeyes had happened in such free and
reformed cities or countries, as are amongst the Germans, where
the state governed and directed by lawes, rather than by rulers,
remaineth alwaies alike and immutable, who doubted but such
houses were standing still, the possessions might well be trans-
posed to such uses abovesaid, without any feare or perill : but in
such realmes and kingdomes as this, where lawes and parliaments
be not alwaies one, but are subject to the disposition of the prince,
neither is it certaine alwaies what princes may come ; the surest
way therefore to send monkerie and poperie packing out of the
realme, is to doe with their houses and possessions as king Henry
here did, through the motion of the counsell of Cromwell. For
else who seeth not in queene Maries time 10, if either the houses

10 Who seeth not in queene Maries time.~\ Whatever may be men's different
judgments respecting either the justice, the expediency, or the necessity of
the dissolution of the religious houses, and the purity of the motives by
which its conductors were actuated, there can be but one sentiment concern-
ing the truth of this observation of the historian. All therefore who love the
reformation, even though they may differ from this writer in his general argu-
ment, are bound to acknowledge the healing and merciful hand of God, which
does not cease to convert the evil counsels of man to the furtherance of his
own gracious designs.

" Let me here report (says Sir Henry Spelman) what hath been related to

248 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

of monkes had stood, or their lands had been otherwise disposed
than into the hands of such as they were, how many of them had
beene restored and replenished againe with monkes and friers, in
as ample wise as ever they were ? And if dukes, barons, and the
nobilities scarse were able to retaine the lands and possessions of
abbeyes distributed to them by king Henry, from the devotion of
queen Mary, seeking to build againe the walles of Jerico, what
then should the meaner sort have done, let other men conjecture.
Wherefore it is not unlike, that Gods heavenlie providence did
well foresee and dispose these things before by this man, in working
the destruction of these abbeyes : whereupon, as often as he sent
out any to suppresse any monasterie, hee used most commonly to
send them with this charge, that they should throwe downe those
houses even to the foundation.

Which words although it may seeme percase to some to
cruelly spoken of him; yet contrariwise doe I suppose the doini«-
thereof not to bee without God's speciall providence and s<
guiding: or else we might peradventure have had such swjmiu'.s
of friers and monkes possessed in their nests again, before tin's
day in England, in so great a number, that ten Cromwela
afterward unneth should have beene suffered to have unho,
them.

Wherefore if the plantation which the Lord God never plai i
be pluckt up by the rootes, let God alone with his working, and
let the monasteries goe *.

me from the mouth of Sir Clement Edmonds, lately a clerk of his majesty's
council, that did take his knowledge from the council-books : namely, that,
in the beginning of queen Mary's reign, the parliament was not willing to
restore popery, and the supremacy of the pope, unless they might be suf-
fered to retain the lands which were lately taken from the monast
This resolution was signified to Rome, whereto the pope gave answer, that
for the lands belonging to religious houses he would dispense for detaining
of them, but for the situation of the houses, churches, and such consecrated
ground, there could be no alienation thereof to profane uses." History of
Sacrilege, p. 244. Warton, in his Life of Sir Thomas Pope, after giving an
account to the same effect as the above, with the addition of some further
particulars, concludes the subject with the following reflexion.

" Thus an equivalent was granted on both sides. The nobility and g-
were settled in the quiet enjoyment of their estates ; and the Pope, allhouyh
most essentially weakened by the alienation of that wealth on which his \
so much depended, was reinstated in his supremacy over the church." j
See also Parl. Hist. vol. i. p. 626, 7.

1 Let the monasteries ijoeJ] They seem, at the time, not to have IK<

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 249

Now that you have seene, what this Malleus Monachorum hath
done in defacing the synagogue of the pope ; let us see how the
said Cromwell againe did travaile in setting up Christes church
and congregation.

After that the bishop of Eomes power and authoritie was
banished out of England, the bishops of his sect never ceased to
seek all occasion how either to restore his head again, being broken
and wounded, or at the least to keepe upright those things which
yet remained : wherein although their labours were not altogether
frustrate, yet had they brought much more to passe, if Cromwell

least for their own sake, very greatly lamented. Even bishop Gardiner, by
his own account, in a sermon which he had preached, the first Sunday in
Lent, A.D. 1539, appears to have expressed himself on the subject with a con-
siderable degree of levity; and in a strain too, which he seems to have
thought would not be disagreeable to his hearers.

" Amonges other thinges I noted the devill's craft, what shift he useth to
deceyve man, whose felicitie he envieth. And therefore he coveteth to have
man idle, and voyde of good workes ; and to be ledde in that idlenes with a
wanne hope, to lyve merrily and at his pleasure here, and yet have heaven
at the last. And for that purpose he procured out pardons from Rome,
wherein heaven was sold for a litle money : and for to retayle that mar-
chaundise, the devyll used freres for his ministers. Now they be gone, with
all their trompery." — Then, he proceeds, with his accustomed mixture of
shrewdness and fallacy to show how the devil expects to obtain the same
gain from another quarter. " But " (says he) " the devyll is not yet gonne.
And nowe he perceyveth it can no longer be borne to bye and sell heaven ; —
both the marchaundize is abhorred, and the ministers also; — we cannot
away with freres, ne can abyde the name; the devyll therefore hath ex-
cogitate to offre heaven, without workes for it, so frely that men shall not
nede for heaven to worke at all, whatsoever opportunite they have to worke.
Mary, if they wyll have an higher place in heaven, God wyll leave no worke
unrewarded, but as for to be in heaven, that nedes no workes at all ; but
onely beleef, onely, onely, — nothings els. — And to set forth this devils craft,
there were, I sayd, ministers ; but no moe fryers, fye on the name and the
garment ! But now they be called by an Englyshe name, Bretherne, and go
apparelled like other men : amonges which be some of those that were freres,
and served the devyll in retayling of heaven in pardons : for they can skyll
of the devylls service. But, yf the kynges majestic, as he hath banyshed
freres by the Frenche name, wolde also banyshe these that call them selfe
brethren in Englyshe, the devyll shulde be greatly discomforted in his enter-
prise, and idlenes thereby banyshed; whiche the devyll wyll elles perswade by
mysunderstandinge of scriptures as he did in the advauncement of pardons. This
my sermon was thought to some very plaine." Declaration of such true
articles as George Joye hath gone about to confute as false, fol. 5, 6. A.D. 1546.
4to.

250 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

(as a mighty wall and defence of the church) had not resist. ,1
continually their enterprises.

It happened, that after the abolishing of the pope, certaine
tumults began to rise about religion. Whereupon it secmi-d
good unto K. Henry, to appoint an assembly of learned men and
bishops, which should soberly and modestly intreate and d«
mine those things which pertained unto religion, Briefly, at tin-
king's pleasure all the learned men, but specially the bishops
assembled, to whom this matter seemed chiefly to belong. Crom-
well thought also to be present himself with the bishops, who 1>\
chance meeting with Alexander Alesius3 by the way, a Scottish
man, brought him with him to the convocation house, wheiv all
the bishops were assembled together. Which was in the y.-ar
1537. The bishops and prelates attending upon the coming of
Cromwell, as he was come in, rose up, and did obeisance to him
as to their vicar generall, and he again saluted every one in their
degree, and sate downe in the highest place at the table, accord-
ing to his degree and office, and after him every bishop in liis
order, and doctors. First over against him sate the archbishop
of Canturbury [Cranmer], then the archbishop of Yorke [Edward

2 Alexander Alesius.'] Fox's account of this assembly is taken from a tract
written soon after by Aless, with the following title. " Of the auctorite of tl 11-
word of God agaynst the bishop of London, wherein are conteyned c
Disputacyons had in the Parlament Howse, betwene the Bishops, abowt the
nomber of the Sacraments and other things, very necessary to be known;
made by Alexander Alane Scot, and sent to the Duke of Saxon." The book
is now exceedingly rare.

Alexander Aless was a native of Edinburgh, and one of the canons <
Andrews, who, having at first opposed the protestants, became afterwards a
convert to their doctrines, and took refuge in Germany. Soon after t he-
advancement of Cranmer to the see of Canterbury, Aless, who had lived much
with the German divines, especially Melancthon, was invited into England
from Antwerp, as he himself informs us, "by the right noble lord Cnumvell,
and the archbishop of Canterbery," and after being "lovingly received " not
only by them, but also by the king himself, he was sent down to read a
logical lecture at Cambridge; but meeting with opposition there, he returned
to London, studied medicine under Doctor Nicholas, an eminent j>hy
and was now practising in that art, when met in the manner described !
lord Cromwell. After the fall of Cromwell he returned to Germany, and was
made professor of divinity at Francfort on the Oder, which place he SO<M
in consequence of giving offence to the elector of lirandenburg. He retired to
Lt-ip/.ig, and was there also chosen professor of divinity, which post 1;
tained until his death in I

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 251

Lee] the bishops of London [John Stokesley], Lincolne [John
Longland], Salisbury [Nicholas Shaxton], Bathe [John Clerk],
Ely [Thomas Goodrich], Herford [Edward Fox], Chichester
[Richard Sampson], Norwich [William Rugge or Repps], Ro-
chester [John Hilsey], and Worcester [Hugh Latimer], &c.
There Cromwell in the name of the king (whose most deare and
secret counsellor at that present hee was, and lord privie seale,
and vicar generall of the realme) spake these words in maner
following.

" Right reverend fathers in Christ ; the king's majestie
giveth you high thankes that ye have so diligently without any
excuse, assembled hither according to his commandement. And
ye bee not ignorant that yee be called hither to determine
certain controversies, which at this time be mooved concerning
the Christian religion and faith, not only in this realm, but also
in all nations throughout the world. For the king studieth day
and night to set a quietnes in the church, and he cannot rest
until all such controversies be fully debated and ended, through
the determination of you and of his whole parliament. For
although his speciall desire is to set a stay for the unlearned
people, whose consciences are in doubt what they may beleeve ;
and he himself by his excellent learning, knoweth these contro -
versies well enough, yet he wil suffer no common alteration, but
by the consent of you and of his whole parliament. By the
which thing yee may perceive both his high wisedome, and also
his great love toward you. And he desireth you for Christes
sake, that al malice, obstinacie, and carnall respect set apart, ye
will friendly and lovingly dispute among your selves of the con-
troversies mooved in the church, and that ye will conclude all
things by the word of God without al brawling or scolding;
neither wil his majestie suffer the scripture to be wrasted and
defaced by any glosses, any papisticall lawes, or by any authentic
of doctours or councels ; and much lesse will he admit any
articles or doctrine, not contained in the scripture, but approoved
onely by continuance of time and olde custome, and by unwritten
verities, as ye were woont to doe. Ye know wel enough that
ye be bound to shew this service to Christ and to his church ;
and yet notwithstanding his majestie wil give you high thankes,
if yee will set and conclude a godly and a perfect unity ; where-
unto this is the onely way and meane, if ye will determine all

252 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

things by the scripture, as God commaundeth you in Deutero-
nomie, which thing his majestic exhorteth and desiretli you to
doe."

When Cromwell had ended this his oration, the bishops rose
up altogither, giving thankes unto the kings majesty, not only
for his great zeale toward the church of Christ, but also for his
most godly exhortation, worthy so Christian a prince.

Immediately they rose up to disputation, whereas Stok
bishop of London, first of all, being the most earnest champion
and maintainer of the Romish decrees, (whom Cromwell a little
before had checked by name, for defending unwritten veril
endevoured himselfe with all his labour and industry, out of tin;
olde schoole gloses, to maintaine the seven sacraments of the
church. The archbishop of York, Lincolne, Bathe, Chiche
and Norwich al&o favoured his part and sect. On the contra ric
part, was the archbishop of Canturbury, the bishops of Salisbury.
Ely, Herford, and Worcester, with many other.

After much communication had on either part, and that they
had long contended about the testimonie of the doctours, which
as it seemed unto them, dissented and disagreed among them-
selves, the archbishop of Canturbury at the last spake and said
thus unto them.

" It beseemeth not men of learning and gravitie to make much
babling and brawling about bare words, so that we agree in the
very substance and effect of the matter. For to brawl* • about
words, is the property of sophisters and such as meane d<
and subtilty, which delight in the debate and dissension of the
world and in the miserable state of the church ; and not of tin-in
which seek the glory of Christ, and should studie for the unity
and quietnes of the church. There be waighty contnw r
now moved and put forth not of ceremonies and light things, but
of the true understanding, and of the right difference of the law
and of the gospel : of the manor and way how sinnes be for<j;i\ m :
of comforting doubtful, and wavering consciences, by what in
they may be certified that they please God, seeinu they u •» -K- the
^trength of the law, accusing them of sin : of the true u>i- "i the
sacraments, whether the outward worke of them doth ju>titie
man, or whether we receive our justification by faith. I
which hei- the good workes, and the true service and honour
which pleaseth CJod and whether the choise of meates, the

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 253

difference of garments, the vowes of monkes and priests, and
other traditions which have no worde of God to confirme them ;
whether these (I say) be right good works, and such as make a
perfect Christian man or no ? Item, whether vaine service, and
false honouring of God, and mans traditions, doe binde mens con-
sciences, or no ? Finally, whether the ceremony of confirmation,
of orders, and of annealing, and such other (which cannot be
proved to be institute of Christ, nor have any word in them to
certifie us of remission of sins) ought to be called sacraments,
and to bee compared with baptisme and the supper of the Lord,
or no ?

" These bee no light matters, but even the principall points of
our Christian religion. Wherefore wee contend not about words
and titles, but about high and earnest matters. Christ saith,
Blessed be the peacemakers, for they shall be called the sonnes of
God. And Paul writing unto Timothy, commanded bishops to
avoid brawling and contention about wordes, which be profitable
to nothing but unto the subversion and destruction of the hearers ;
and monisheth him specially, that he should resist with the
scriptures when any disputeth with him of the faith ; and he
addeth a cause, whereas he saith, Doing this, ihou shalt preserve
both thy selfe, and also them which hear thee. Now if yee will
follow these counsellors, Christ and Paul, all contention and
brawling about words, must bee set apart, and ye must stablish a
godly and a perfect unity and concord out of the scripture.
Wherefore in this disputation, we must first agree of the number
of the sacraments, and what a sacrament doth signifie in the
holy scripture ; and when wee call baptisme and the supper of
the Lord, sacraments of the gospell, what wee meane thereby.
I know right well, that S. Ambrose and other authors call the
washing of the disciples feet and other things sacraments : which
I am sure you your selves would not suffer to be numbered among
the other sacraments."

When he had ended 3 his oration, Cromwell commanded Alesius

3 When he had ended.'] " This exhortacyon " (says Aless, in the tract just
referred to) " did the archbisshop make most soberly and discretely, as he is a
man of a singular gravy te, with such sweetnes that it did my hart good to hear
him. And bicause I did signifye by some token of my countenance that this
admonicyon of the archbisshop did please and delight me excellently \vel, the
lord Cromwel bad me speake what I thought of this disputacyon. But he told
the bisshops before, that I was the kings scolar, and therefore he desiered them

254 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

which stoode by (whome he perceived to give attentive eaiv to
that which was spoken) to shew his minde and opinion, declaring
to the bishops before, that he was the kings scholler4, and theiv-
fore desired them to bee contented to heare him indifferently.

Alesius after he had first done his dutie unto the L. Cromwell,
and to the other prelates of the church, said in this wise.

"Right honorable and noble lord, and you most reverend
fathers and prelates of the church, although I come unprepared
unto this disputation, yet trusting in the aid of Christ, which
promiseth to give both mouth and wisedome unto us when
be required of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgement
of this disputation. And I thinke that my lord archbishop hath
given you a profitable exhortation, that yee should first agree of
the signification of a sacrament, whether ye will call a sacrament.
a ceremony institute of Christ in the gospell, to signifie a special!
or a singular vertue of the gospell, and of godlines (as I'aule
nameth remission of sinnes to be) or whether ye meane, <
ceremony generally, which may bee a token or a signification of
an holy thing, to bee a sacrament ? For after this latter signifi-
cation, I will not sticke to grant you that there be seven san-a-
ments, and more too, if ye will. But yet Paule seemetli to
describe a sacrament after the just signification, whereas he
saith, That circumcision is a Men and a seale of the righteownesse

to be content to heare me indifferently. Then I after the rude maner of the
scholes, rather than after any courtly solemnyte, bowing my knee for a token
of curtesy and reverence, as it became me, without any preface at all, be^un
to speake after this maner. Ryght honorable &c.," as in Fox. Alanc's
Auctorite, &c. signat. A 8.

4 The kings scholar.'] " Cheke being once at court with Butts (the king's
physician), he took occasion to recommend Cheke to the king for a singular
scholar, and particularly for his study and proficiency in the Greek t.»r
And being thus known to the king, he soon after advanced him to the honour
to be his scholar, together with one Smith of Queen's college, afterward-
ficiently known, being secretary of state, and employed in embassies abroad.
To both whom the king exhibited for the encouragement of their studies, and
for the bearing of their expences of travel into foreign countries. A very
practice formerly used by our princes, to fit and train up young scholars for
the service of the king and court, to be ambassadors, secretaries, privy a
cillors, bishops, tutors to the nobility, and the like; having learned tl,
guages of other countries, acquainted themselves with their customs, and
visited the rourts of princes." Strypc's JAfe of Sir John Cheke, p. 7. See
also Strype's JAfe of Sir Thomas Smith, p. 10, II. And Fuller's History of
Cambridge, p. ]

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 255

of faith. (Rom. 4.) This definition of one particular sacrament,
must be understand to pertaine unto all sacraments generally ;
for the Jewes had but one sacrament only, as all the sophisticall
writers doe grant. And hee describeth baptisme after the same
maner, in the fift to the Ephesians, whereas he saieth, That
Christ doth sanctifie the church, (that is to say all that bee baptised,)
through the bathe of water in the worde of life (Ephes. 5.). For
here also he addeth the word and promise of God unto the cere-
mony. And Christ also requireth faith, where he saith, Whosoever
beleeveth and is baptised, shall be saved.

" And saint Augustine describeth a sacrament thus, The word
of God coming unto the element maketh the sacrament. And in
another place hee saith ; A sacrament is a tiling wherein the power
of God, under the forme of visible things, doth worke secretly salva-
tion. And the Maister of the Sentences doth describe a sacrament
no otherwise. A sacrament (saith hee) is an invisible grace, and
hath a visible forme : and by this invisible grace, I meane, saith he,
remission of sinnes. Finally S. Thomas denyeth that any man
hath authoritie to institute a sacrament. Now if ye agree unto
this definition of a sacrament, it is an easie thing to judge of the
number of those sacraments which have the manifest word of
God, and be institute by Christ to signifie unto us the remission
of our sinnes.

" S. Augustine saith, that there be but two such sacraments,
in the cxviii. epistle to Januarius. His words be these : First, I
would have thee to understand the sum and effect of this disputation,
which is this : that our Lord Jesus Christ (as hee himself saith in
the gospell) hath laden us, but with a light and easie yoake or
burthen. Wherefore he hath knit togither the fellowship of his new
people with sacramentes, very few in number, very easie to be Jcept,
and very excellent in signification ; which be baptisme, and the
supper of the Lord, and such other ; if there be any moe com-
manded in the holy scripture, those except which were burthens for
the servitude of the people in the old law, for the hardnes of their
harts. And againe in the 3. booke of the learning of the Christian
man, he saith ; The scripture hath taught us but few signes, as be
the sacrament of baptisme, and the solemne celebration and remem-
brance of the body and bloud of the Lord."

Then the bishop of London, which could scarsely refrain him-
selfe all this while, and now could forbeare no longer, brake out

256 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

in this maner, "First of all," saith he, "where you alledge, that all
the sacraments which are in the church instituted by Christ him-
selfe, have either some manifest ground in the scriptures, or
ought to shew forth some signification of remission of sinnes, it
is false and not to be allowed.'"

Then said Alesius, " that he would prove it, not only by mani-
fest authoritie of scriptures, but also by evident testimonies of
ancient doctors and schoole- writers."

But the bishop of Hereford 5 which was then lately returned
out of Germany (where he had been ambassadour for the king
to the Protestants) being moved with the bishop of Londons for-
wardnes, turning himselfe first to Alexander Alesius willed him
not to contend with the bishop in such maner, by the testing
of doctors and schoolemen, forsomuch as they doe not all a.
in like matters, neither are they stedfast among themselves in all
points, but doe vary and in many pointes are utterly repugnant.
Wherefore if this disputation shal be decided by their mind«'s
and verdites, there shal be nothing established, neither .shall ap-
peare any waie of agreement to follow. Furthermore wee be
commanded by the king that these controversies should be<
termined onely by the rule and judgment of the scripture. Tliis
he spake unto Alesius. Then he turning himselfe unto the
bishops, likewise admonished them with a grave and sharpe ora-
tion, which wee thought not good to omit in this place.

" Thinke ye not (said he) that we can by any sophisticall
subtleties steale out of the world again, the light which every
man doth see. Christ hath so lightened the world at this time.
that the light of the gospel hath put to flight all misty darknes.
and it wil shortly have the higher hand of al clouds, though we
resist in vain never so much. The lay people doe now know tin-
holy scripture better than many of us. And the Germans !
made the text of ffie bible so plaine and easie by the Hebrew and

5 The bishop of Hereford.] Edward Fox, the king's almoner. He was
secrated bishop of Hereford Sept. 26, 1535. Le Neve's Fasti, p. 111. Mi>
influence, about this time, (as was that of Cromwell also and Cranmer) was
very great with Henry. Gardiner and his party, powerful as they
now kept in check by them. Fox's harangue is thus introduced by
" Hut the bisshop of Herforth (whom the kings grace favoured highly,
for his singular wisdom and learning, which was then newe comme o
Germany, where he had bene imbassytor) being moved with the forwar
of this bishop of London, sayd unto me. Brother Alexander, contend n<>/
with him," &c. Sig. B 3.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 257

Greek tongue, that now many things may bee better understand
without any gloses at all, than by all the commentaries of the
doctors. And moreover they have so opened these controversies
by their writings, that women and children may wonder at the
blindness and falshood that hath been hitherto. Wherforc ye
must consider earnestly, what ye will determin of these contro-
versies, that ye make not your selves to be mocked and laughed
to scorne of all the world, and that ye bring them not to have
this opinion of you, to thinke evermore hereafter, that ye have
neither one sparke of learning, nor yet of godlines in you. And
thus shal ye lose all your estimation and authority with them,
which before tooke you 6 for learned men, and profitable members
unto the commonwealth of Christendom. For that which you
doe hope upon, that there was never heresie in the church so
great, but that processe of time with the power and authoritie
of the pope hath quenched it, it is nothing to the purpose. But
yee must turne your opinion, and thinke this surely, that there is
nothing so feeble and weake, so that it bee true, but it shall find
place, and be able to stand against all falshood.

" Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the mother of
truth. And whatsoever is besieged of trueth, cannot long con-
tinue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to
be thought transitorie, or that it wil ever fall. All things consist
not in painted eloquence and strength or authoritie. For the
truth is of so great power, strength and efficacie, that it can
neither be defended7 with words, nor bee overcome with any
strength, but after she hath hidden her self long, at length she
putteth up her head, and appeareth, as it is written in Esdras.
A king is strong, wine is stronger ,• yet women be more strong ; but
truth excelleth all"

To this effect in a maner, and much more, did he speake and
utter in that convocation, both copiously and discretely : through
whose oration, Alesius being encouraged, proceeded further to
urge the bishop with this argument.

" Sacraments bee seales ascertaining us of Gods good will :

6 Before tooke you.'] " You have been judged heretofore in all other realms
not comparable, but farre excellyng all other realmes for worthines of learn-
yng ; for fatherly gravitie and exactnesse of judgmente. And shall now
a little preefract wilfulness of a few of your commissaries, overturne all your
glories." Preface to Ponet's Defence of Priests' marriages, p. 4. 4to.

7 Be defended.'] Fr. defendre.

VOL. II. S

258 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

u Without the worde there is no certaintie of Gods good will :

u Ergo. Without the word there be no sacraments.

" The first part of this reason is S. Paule's owne saying, the
fourth to the Romanes, where he saith ; That circumcision is a
token and a seale of the righteousness of faith. Ergo, it mpiireth
faith to certifie mans hart of the will of God. But the word of
God is the foundation of faith, as S. Paul witnesseth, Rom. 10.
Faith commeth by hearing, and hearing commeth by the word of
God. For the minde must be taught and instructed to the will
of God by the worde, like as the eie is taught and instructed In
the outward ceremony. And so Paul by that saying confuteth
this opinion, that the sacraments should make men righteous and
just before God, for the verie outward worke, without faith of
them that receive them.

" And after this maner doth Paule speake unto the Ephesians ;
that Christ doth sanctifie his church through the bathe of //•</'•
the word of life. And for as much as he joineth the word unto
the ceremony, and declareth the vertue and power of the word of
God that it bringeth with it life, hee doth manifestly teach that
the word of God is the principall thing, and even as it were the
very substance and body of the sacrament ; and the outward cere-
mony to be nothing els then a token of that lively inflammation
which we receive through faith in the word and promise. Saint
Paul also in ministring the sacrament of the Lord^s supper, doth
manifestly adde the words of Christ: He tooke bread, saith In-.
and when lie had given thankes, lie brake it and saide, Take yee il /.«?.
and eate yee this, for it is my body. Item. Doe ye th'm \\
remembrance. Beside this he teacheth evidently that onely Christ
and none but he had power to institute a sacrament: and that
neither the apostles, nor the church hath any author! tie to alter
or to adde any thing unto his ordinance, whereas he saith ;
/ have received of the Lord that which I delivered unto
To what purpose should hee goe about to moove the people to
beleeve him, and to win their hearts with this protestation, it' it
had beene lawfull for him to have made any sacraments, or to have
altered the forme and manner of ministring this sacrament ; as
some men both wickedly and shamefully doe affirm, that the apos-
tles did alter the forme of haptisme?"

When In- had spoken thus much, the !>i>hop of London did
interrupt him and said : " Let us grant that the sacrament- may
be gathered out of the word of God. \< t are you Jarre d<

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 259

ye think that there is none other word of God, but that which
every sowter 8 and cobler do read in their mother tongue. And
if yee think that nothing pertaineth unto the Christian faith, but
that only that is written in the bible, then erre ye plainly with
the Lutherans. For John saith ; Jesus did many things which be
not written. And Paul commandeth the Thessalonians to ob-
serve and keep certaine unwritten traditions and ceremonies.
(2 Thess. 2.) Moreover he himself did preach not the scripture
only, but even also the traditions of the elders. (Acts 16.)
Finally wee have received many things of the doctors and coun-
cels by times, which although they be not written in the Bible,
yet forsomuch as the olde doctors of the church do make men-
tion of them, we ought to grant that we received them of the
apostles, and that they be of like authority 9 with the scripture,
and finally that they may worthily be called the word of God
unwritten."

8 Every sowter.'] " Sowter ; Sutor, Calcearius." Skinner, Junius, &c.

9 Of like authority.'] See Christian Institutes — Index, Tradition and Scrip-
ture Church, authority, &c. See also Articles VI. XX. and XXXIV. of the
Church of England.

This seems to be a proper place for a short specimen or two of the fanatical,
not to say blasphemous extravagancies, on which some of the popes and
canonists ventured on this momentous subject.

" Master Campion was desired by us, to reade the chapter in the canon
law, beginning In Canonicis, which Gratian takes out of this place of Augus-
tine ; and first that he would read the rubric, which he seemed loth to do ...
Yet at length he read it ; and it is thus, Inter Canonicas Scripturas decretales
EpistolcB connumerantur ; which after much desiring he englished also, The
Decretal Epistles are numbered together among the Canonical Scriptures."
Conference with Campion, the Jesuit, August 1581. Signat. D 3.

"In the after-noon, we said to M. Campion, let us, we pray you, peruse
the canon that followeth that which we last dealt with in the fore-noon con-
cerning the Pope's Canons and the Canonical Scriptures j for that the time
would not then suffer us to reade it. The wordes of pope Leo IV. there
translated word for word are these : ' For this cause, I feare not to pronounce
more playnely and with a loude voyce, that he that is convinced not to receive
indifferently the statutes of the holy fathers which we have spoken of before,
which with us are intituled by the name of canons, whether he be a bishop,
a clerk, or a lay-man, that he is prooved neither to beleeve, nor to holde pro-
fitably and effectually, the catholic and apostolic faith, nor the four holy
gospels.' This saith pope Leo . . . To the which let us joyne the saying of
pope Agatho, Distinct, xix. cap. Sic omnes, which is near to it. ' All the
sanctions of the apostolique see are to be taken as established by the divine
voyce of Peter himselfe.' " Ibid, signat. D 4 b.

s 2

260 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

Now when the right noble lord Cromwell, the archbishop, with
the other bishops, which did defend the pure doctrine of the gos-
pell, heard this, they smiled a little one upon another, forsomuch
as they saw him flee even in the verie beginning of the disputation,
unto his olde rustie sophistrie, and unwritten verities. Then
Alesius would have proceeded further with the bishop to have
confuted this blasphemous lie, but the L. Cromwell bade him bee
content, for the time began to go away, and it was twelve of the
clocke, and thus he made an ende with his protestation. " Right
reverend maister bishop, you deny that our Christian faith and
religion doth leane onely upon the worde of God, which is written
in the bible ; which thing if I can prove and declare, then you
will grant me that there be no sacraments, but those that have
the manifest word of God to confirm them." Unto this he
did consent ; and then immediately that assembly was dissolved
for that day.

The next daie *, when the bishops were set againe, the arch-
bishop of Canterburie sending his archdeacon, commanded A loins
to abstaine from disputation ; whereupon he wrote his mind, and
delivered it unto Cromwell, who afterwards shewed the same unto
the bishops. Thus through the industry of Cromwel, the collo-
quies were brought to this end, that albeit religion could not
wholly be reformed, yet at that time there was some reformation
had 3 throughout all England.

1 The next daie.'] " Now the next day, when the bisshops were assembled
agayne, and I was present with the lord Crumwel, there came unto me a
certen archdeacon in the name of the archbishop of Cantorbery, which told
me, that the other bisshops were grevously offended with me, that I being a
stranger shuld be admitted unto their disputacyon : which thing whan I had
shewed unto the lord Crumwel, he thought it best to give place unt
bisshops, specially because he would not procure me their hatred. — li
bad me gyve him the paper wherein I had written my disputacyon, that he
might shewe it to the bishop of London, and to the other bisshops in the
councel, the contents whereof were this." Alexander Alane, Of the ancto-
ritie of the word of God. Signat. A 7. The remainder of the treatise is taken
up in confuting the arguments of the bishop of London (Stokesly) for
traditions and unwritten verities ; and in establishing in opposition th
the grand protestant principle, that the Holy Scriptures contain all things
necessary unto salcation.

• Some reformation hadj] The progress made towards the revival of true
religion by the deliberations at this period was exceedingly important,
books, to which it is probable that Fox here alludes, and of which it is
wished that he had given a detailed account, are especially worthy of men-

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 261

How desirous and studious this good Cromwell was in the cause
of Christs religion, examples need not to be brought. His whole
life was nothing else, but a continuall care and travaile how to
advance and further the right knowledge of the gospel, and reforme
the house of God ; as by many proclamations by his meanes set
forth, may well appeare ; wherein first he caused the people to
be instructed in the Lords praier, and Creed in English ; then pro-
cured the scripture also to be read and set forth in the same
language, for every English man to understand ; after that, to
rescue the vulgar people from damnable idolatry, he caused cer-
taine of the most grosest pilgrimages to be destroied. And
further, for the more commodity of the poore sort, which get
their living with their daily labour and worke of their hands, hee
provided that divers idle holy daies were diminished. Item hee
procured for them libertie to eate egges and whitemeate in Lent.
Furthermore by him it was also provided, for the better instruc-
tion. The first is the Articles of 1536: which being brought into convo-
cation by Fox bishop of Hereford on July 1 1, in that year, were the same day
subscribed by the lord Cromwell, the king's vicegerent, the archbishop and
prelates, and by the members of the lower house. They were soon after
printed (with a prefatory letter addressed by the king to all his loving sub-
jects) under the following title. " Articles devised by the Kynges Highnes
Majestic, to stablyshe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge us, and to avoyde
contentious opinions ; which articles be also approved by the consent and
determination of the hole clergie of this realme, anno 1536." Bishop Burnet
in the Addenda to the first volume of his History of the Reformation has
printed these articles from a Cotton MS. still extant in the British Museum,
which is a true original, having the autographs of all the subscribers : and
from his History they are again published in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii.
p. 817—23. They may also be read in Fuller (Church Hist. cent. 16, p. 213,
&c.), as transcribed by him from the acts of convocation. The other book,
some mention of which is proper in this place, is the Institution of a Christian
Man, which being prepared by a Commission of Divines, who held their
meetings in the archbishop's palace at Lambeth, was printed, and came out,
about the month of October, in the year 1537. The book is divided into
four parts, being an exposition (1) of the Apostles' creed, (2) of the seven
sacraments, (3) of the ten commandments, and (4) of the Lord's prayer, and
Ave Maria, with the articles of justification, and purgatory. Prefixed is a
preface by the convocation. In the course of this volume, certainly the prin-
cipal part, perhaps the whole of the articles which came out in the preceding
year, is inserted. The book is exceedingly well and carefully composed, in a
very pure and dignified style ; and is altogether an illustrious monument of
the achievements of Cranmer and his colleagues against the intrigues and
opposition of a party formidable at once for their zeal, number, and power.

262 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

tion of the people, that beneficed men should be resident in their
cures and parishes, there to teach and to keepe hospitalitie ; with
many other thinges, else most fruitfully redressed for the reforma-
tion of religion and behoofe of Christs church : as by the procla-
mations, injunctions, and necessary articles of Christian doctrine
above specified, set forth in the kings name, by his meanes, may
more abundantly appeare.

Now to adjoine withall his private benefites in helping di
good men and women at sundry times out of troubles and •_
distresses, it would require a long discourse. Briefely his whole
life was full of such examples, beeing a man to that intent
ordained of God (as his deedes well proved) to doe many men
good, and especially such as were in danger of persecution for
religions sake. Amongst other infinite stories, one or
examples shall suffice for a testimony of his worthy doings.

In the yeare of our Lord 1538, Sir William Forman bet-ing
maior of the citie of London, three weekes before East< T. the.
wife of one Thomas Frebarn dwelling in Pater nost
beeing with childe, longed after a morsell of a pigge, and tolde
her minde unto a maide dwelling in Abchurch-lane, desiring her
if it were possible, to helpe her unto a peece. The maide. per-
ceiving her earnest desire, shewed unto her husband, what his
wife had said unto her, telling him that it might chance to cost
her her life and the childes too which she went withall, if
had it not. Upon this Thomas Frebarne her husband spak
a butter wife which hee knew, that dwelled at Harnsey. named
goodwife Fisher, to helpe him to a pigge for his wife, for
was with childe, and longed sore to eat of a pigge. Unto whom
the said goodwife Fisher promised that she would bring him one
the Friday following, and so she did. being ready dn— >rd and
scalded before. But when she had delivered him the pigge,
craftily conveied one of the feet, and carried it unto d<
Cockes, at that time being deane of Cantnrhurie, dwellin
Ivy lane, who at that time of his dinner, before certain
which he had bidden, shewed his pigges foote. declaring who had
the body thereof: and after that they had talked their pl--a
and dinner was done, one of his guests being landlord unto
Frel.arne aforesaid, called M. <Janvt. and hy his oiHce. kin
anm-s. sent his man unto the said Frebarne. demanding if t
were no body sicke in his house. Unto whom hee i\\

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 263

that they were all in good health, he gave God thankes. Then
saide he againe, It was told his maister that some body wras sicke,
or else they would not eat flesh in lent : unto whom Frebarne
made answer, that his wife was with child, and longed for a peece
of a pigge, and if he could get some for her he would. Then
departed his landlords man home againe.

And shortly after his landlord sent for him. But before that
he sent for him, he had sent for the bishop of Londons sumner,
whose name was Holland, and when this Frebarne was come, he
demanded of him, if hee had not a pig in his house, which he
denied not. Then commanded M. Garret the said sumner called
Holland to take him, and go home to his house, and to take the
pig, and carry both him and the pig unto doctor Stokesley his
maister, beeing then bishop of London ; and so he did. Then
the bishop being in his chamber with divers others of the clergy,
called this Frebarne before him, and had him in examination for
this pigge ; laying also unto his charge, that he had eaten in his
house that Lent poudred beefe and calves heads. Unto whome
Frebarne answered, " My Lord, if the heads were eaten in my
house in whose houses were the bodies eaten ? Also, if there be
either man or woman that can prove, that either I, or any in my
house hath done as your lordship saith, let me suffer death there-
fore." " You speake (said hee) against pilgrimages, and will
not take holy bread, nor holy water, nor yet goe on procession,
on Palme Sunday : thou art no Christian man." " My lord," said
Frebarne, " I trust 1 am a true Christian man, and have done
nothing neither against Gods laws nor my princes."

In the time of this his examination, which was during the space
of two houres, divers came unto the bishop, some to have their
children confirmed, and some for other causes. Unto whome as
they came, having the pig before him covered, he would lift up
the cloth and shew it them, saying ; " How think you of such a
fellow as this is ? is not this good meate, I pray you, to be eaten
in this blessed time of Lent, yea and also powdred beefe and
calves heads too beside this ?"

After this, the bishop called his sumner unto him, and com-
maunded him to go and carrie this Thomas Frebarne and the pig
openly thorow the streetes, into the old Baylie, unto Sir Roger
Chomley : for the bishoppe said, he had nothing to do to punish
him ; for that belonged unto the civil magistrates. And so was
Frebarne carried with the pig before him, to Sir Roger Chom-

264 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

leies house in the old Baily, and he not being at home at that
time, Frebarne was brought likewise backe againe unto the
bishops palace with the pig, and there lay in the porters lodge
till it was nine o^clocke at night. Then the bishoppe sent him
unto the Counter in the Poultry by the sumner and other of his
servants.

The next day being Saturday, he was brought before the
maior of London and his brethren unto the Guildhall, but before
his coming, they had the pig delivered unto them by the bishops
officer. Then the maior and the bench laide unto his charge
(as they were informed from the bishop) that he had eaten
poudred beefe and calves heads in his house the same Lent.
But no man was able to come in that would justifie it ; neither
could any thing be found, save onely the pig, which (as is before
sayd) was for the preservation of his wives life, and that she went
withall. Notwithstanding the maior of London said, that t he-
Monday next following, he should stand on the pillarie in Cli< ,ip«
side, with the one halfe of the pig on the one shoulder s, and the
other halfe on the other.

3 On the one shoulder, .] In the year 1556, "Two persons at Boston, in the
diocese of Lincoln, ate flesh against the law of the Catholic Church ; and
were put to penance of carrying a quarter of lamb about the market of
Boston, bare-legged and bare-headed." Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials,
vol. iii. p. 296.

Fox's story of the poor woman and her pigs-flesh will perhaps be offensive
to some of my readers, and be counted beneath the dignity even of his
History. But the narrative is very significant of the religious feelings of
those times : and the subject of it, as might easily be shown, was associated
with many serious and interesting considerations, which, in the age when it
was written, would exempt it from the charge of trifling and levity, to which
it may now seem liable.

" Many, for shame," (says Tindal in his Obedience of a Christian ."•
" keepe back their confession for twenty or thirty yeares, and thinke all the
while that they be damned. I knewe a poore woman with childe which
longed, and being overcomen of her passion, eate flesh on a Friday, which
thing she durst not confesse in the space of eighteen yeares ; and thought
all that while that she had been damned." Works, p. 140. A.D. 1572. In
the persecution by Bishop Longland about the year 1521, Alice Holting waa
abjured, " for that she being in a state of pregnancy did dine before she
went to church to take her rites; saying, that Isabel Tracher did so tell her,
that she might dine before she received the Sacrament." Fox, p. 755.
were the poor and the humble alone interested in these feelings, and e.\]
to suffering by their transgressions against the will of the church in i
matters. Not long after the time of the story of the poor woman and lord

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 265

Then spake the wife of the said Frebarne unto the maior and
the bench, desiring that she might stand there, and not he, for it
was long of her and not of him. After this they tooke a satten
list, and tied it fast about the pigs necke, and made Frebarne to
cary it hanging on his shoulder untill hee came unto the counter
of the Poultrey, from whence he came.

After this was done, the wife of the prisoner tooke with her an
honest woman, the wife of one Michaell Lobley, which was well
acquainted with divers in the lord Cromwells house, unto whom
the said woman resorted for some helpe for this prisoner, desiring
them to speake unto their lord and maister for his deliverance
out of trouble.

It hapned that the same time came in doctour Barnes and
maister Barlow, who understanding the matter by Lobleyes wife,
went up to the lord Cromwell, and certified him thereof: who
upon their request, sent for the maior of the citie of London : but
what was said unto the lord maior, is unknowne, saving that in the
after noone of the same day, the wife of the person aforesaide
resorted againe unto the lord maior, suing to get her husband
delivered out of prison, declaring how that she had two small
children, and had nothing to help her and them, but onely her
husband, who laboured for their livings. Unto whom the maior
answered, " what come yee to me \ You are taken up with the
king's councell. I supposed that you had come to desire me that
your husband should not stand upon the pillarie in Cheapeside on
Monday next, with the one halfe of the pig on his one shoulder,
and the other halfe on the other." Also the maior said unto her,
that hee could not deliver him without the consent of the rest of
his brethren the aldermen. Wherefore he bade her the next day
following, which was Sonday, to resort unto Paules to Saint Dun-
stones chappell, and when he had spoken with his brethren, hee
would then tell her more. Other aunswere could shee get none

Cromwell, the gallant earl of Surrey himself, renowned for his devotion to
chivalry and the Muses, was imprisoned in Windsor Castle for eating flesh in
Lent, on occasion of which he has composed one of his most beautiful
Sonnets. Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. iii. — "And as touching
quietness of conscience, I have knowne manye that have long been cumbred
with it. A certaine master of artes which died in Oxford confessed upon his
death bed, that he had wept lying in his bed an hundred nyghtes within one
yeares space, because he coulde not beleve it " (t. e. the doctrine of Transub-
stantiation). Works of Johne Frith, p. 150. fol. 1572.

266 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

at that time. Wherefore shee went unto maister Wilkinson,
then being sheriffe of London, desiring him to bee good unto her.
and that she might have her poore husband out of prison. Unto
whome maister Wilkinson aunswered ; "O woman, Christ hath
laide a piece of his crosse upon thy necke, to prove whether thou
wilt helpe him to beare it or no ;" saying moreover to her, that if
the lord maior had sent him to his Counter, as hee sent him to
his brothers, hee should not have tarried there an houre ; an
commaunded her to come the next day unto him to dinner, and
hee would do the best for her he could. So the next day came :
and this woman resorted againe to maister Wilkinsons, according
as hee bade her, who also had bidden divers guests ; unto wlumu*
hee spake in her behalfe. But as they were set at dinner, and
she also sitting at the table, when she sawe the hote fish to <
in, shee fell downe in a swound, so that for the space of two li
they could keepe no life in her. Wherefore they sent her In mu-
te her house in Pater noster row, and then they sent for
midwife, supposing that shee would have been delivered ii
tinent of her child that she went with : but after that
came somewhat again to her selfe, where she lay sicke and kept
her bed the space of fifteen weekes after, being not aide to help
her selfe, but as shee was helped of others, during the tin
fifteen weekes.

Now to shewe further what became of this pig, whereof \\ < •
have spoken so much: it was caried into Finsburie field by tin-
bishop of Londons sumner, at his maisters commandement, and
there buried. The Monday following, being the fourth day after
that this prisoner aforesaid was apprehended, the maior of London.
with the residue of his brethren being at Uuild hall, sent for the
prisoner aforenamed, and demaunded sureties of him lor his forth-
coming, whatsoever hereafter should or ini^ht be laid unt»
charge: but for lacke of such sureties as they required, upm
owne bond, which was a recognizance of twentie pound,
delivered out of their hands. But shortly after that he
delivered out of this his trouble, maister Garret, of whom
have spoken before, bein«j his landlord, warned him out oi
house, so that in four' liter, he could not get anotln r : Imt

WSa constrained to be within other good folks, to h hin-

drance and undoing.

Hard it urn- and almost out of number, to rehearse the nai
and stories of all them, which felt the gentle help of this

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 267

man in some case or other. One other example, though it be some-
what long, with the circumstances and all, I will declare ; how he
helped the secretaire that then was to doctor Cranmer archbishop
of Canturburie, which secretarie 4 is yet alive, and can beare present
record of the same.

Mention was made before how king Henrie in the yeare of his
reigne 21 caused the six articles 5 to passe, much against the mind
and contrarie to the consent of the archbishop of Canterburie
Thomas Cranmer, who had disputed three dayes against the same
in the parliament house, with great reasons and authorities.
Which articles after they were graunted and past by the parlia-
ment, the king for the singular favour which hee ever bare to
Cranmer, and reverence to his learning, being desirous to knowe
what he had said and objected in the parliament against these
articles, or what could be alledged by learning against the same,
required a note of the archbishop of his doings, what hee had said
and opposed in the parliament touching that matter. And this
word was sent to him from the king by Cromwell, and other lords
of the parliament ; whome the king then sent to dine with him at
Lambeth, somewhat to comfort againe his grieved minde and
troubled spirits.

4 Which secretarie^] Ralph Morice, who wrote at the desire of archbishop
Parker a life of Cranmer, still existing amongst the MSS. bequeathed
by Parker to C. C. Col. Cambridge, No. 140. Strype has made great use
of it.

5 The six articles.'] The substance of this sanguinary act, commonly called
the six stringed whip, and which for that time confirmed the triumph of
Gardiner and his party over the friends of the reformation, was as follows : —
It decreed, 1. The corporal presence in the eucharist; against which, whoever
spake, preached, or wrote, was to be burned, without the privilege of abjura-
tion, and his estates, real and personal, to be forfeited to the king. 2. That
communion in both kinds is not necessary to salvation : and that it is to be
believed, without any doubt, that in the flesh, under form of bread, is con-
tained the very blood : and with the blood, under form of wine, is the very
flesh of Christ. 3. Against the marriage of priests. Their marriages were
declared void ; and such as cohabited with their wives afterwards were to
suffer death as felons. 4. That vows of celibacy ought to be observed by the
laws of God. 5. That private masses ought to be continued. 6. That auri-
cular confession was expedient and necessary, and ought to be retained.
Those who contemned, or abstained from confession, or the sacrament at the
accustomed times, were, for the first offence, to forfeit their goods and
chattels : and to be imprisoned : and for the second to be deemed guilty of
felony, &c. Ridley's Life of Bishop Ridley, p. 127. Compare Fox, p. 1036,
&c. Burnet, vol. i. p. 245 — 88. Strype, &c.

268 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

Whereupon when his dinner was finished, the next day after
the archbishop collecting both his arguments, authorities of scrip-
tures, and doctors together, caused his secretarie to write a fay re
booke thereof for the king, after this order. First the scriptures
were alleadged, then the doctors, thirdly followed the arguments
deducted from those authorities. This booke was written in his
secretaries chamber, where, in a by chamber lay the archbishops
almosiner. When this booke was fayre written, and whiles the
secretarie was gone to deliver the same unto the archbishop his
maister, who was (as it then chanced) rid to Croydon ; returning
back to his chamber, he found the doore shut, and the key carried
away to London by the almosiner.

At this season also chanced the father of the said secretary to
come to the citie, by whose occasion it so fell out that he must
needes go to London. The booke he could not lay into his cham-
ber, neither durst he commit it to any other person to keepe,
being straightly charged, in any condition, of the archbishop hifl
maister, to be circumspect thereof: so that he determined to goe
to his father, and to keepe the booke about him. And so thrust-
ing the booke under his girdle, he went over unto Westminster
bridge with a sculler, where hee entred into a whyrry that v
to London, wherein were four of the gard, who ment to land at
Paules Wharfe, and to passe by the kings highnesse, who
then was in his barge, with a great number of barges and
boates about him, then baiting of beares in the water over against
the banke 8.

These foresaid yeomen of the gard, when they came against
the king^s barge, durst not passe by towardes Paules Wli
least they should be espied : and therefore intreated the secretarie
to goe with them to the bearebayting, and they would finde tht>
meanes, being of the gard, to make roome, and to see all the
pastime. The secretarie perceiving no other remedie, assented
therto. When the whirry came nie the multitude of the bo;i
they with pollaxes got in the whirry so farre, that being comp;i
with many other whirries, and boates, there was no refuge if the
beare should breake loose, and come upon them ; as in v.-rie d< dc.
within one pater noster while, the beare brake loose, and c
into the boate where the yeomen of the gard were, and the say«l

8 Against the banke.'] The Bankside on the Surrey side of the river Thames,
where the bear-garden was situated.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 269

secretarie. The gard forsooke the whirry, and went into an other
barge, one or two of them leaping short, and so fell into the water.
The beare and the dogs so snaked the whirrie wherein the secre-
tary was, that the boate being full of water, sunke to the ground,
and being also as it chanced an ebbing tide, he there sate in the
end of the whirrie up to the middle in water. To whome came
the beare and all the dogs. The beare seeking as it were aide
and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts upon him, and
so rushing upon him, the booke was loosed from his girdle, and
fell into the Thames out of his reach.

The flying of the people, after that the beare was loose, from
one boate to an other, was so comberous, that diverse persons
were throwne into the Thames ; the king commanding certaine
men that could swimme, to strip themselves naked, and to help
to save them that were in danger. This pastime so dis-
pleased the king, that he had away with the beare, and let us all
go hence.

The secretarie perceiving his booke to fleete away in the
Thames, called to the beareward to take up the booke. When
the beareward had the booke in his custody, being an arrant
papist, farre from the religion of his mistres, (for he was the
ladie Elizabeths beareward, now the queenes majestie) ere that
the secretarie could come to land, he had delivered the booke to
a priest of his owne affinitie in religion standing on the banke,
who reading in the booke, and perceiving that it was a manifest
refutation of the six articles, made much adoe, and told the
beareward, that whosoever claymed the booke, should surely be
hanged. Anon the secretary came to the beareward for his
booke. What, quoth the beareward, dare you chalenge this
booke ! Whose servant be you ? I am servant to one of the
councell, said the secretarie, and my lord of Caunturburie is my
maister. Yea marie, quoth the beareward, I thought so much.
You be like I trust, quoth the beareward, to bee both hanged
for this booke. Well (sayd hee) it is not so evill as you take it ;
and I warrant you my lord will avouch the booke to the king's
majestie. But I pray you let me have my booke, and I will give
you a crowne to drinke. If you would give me five hundred
crownes, you shall not have it, quoth the beareward. With
that the secretarie departed from him, and understanding the
malicious frowardnes of the beareward, he learned that Blage the
grocer in cheape side might doe much with the beareward ; to

270 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

whome the secretary brake this matter, requiring him to send for
the beareward to supper, and he would pay for the whole cli
thereof; and besides that rather then hee should forgo his 1..
after this sort, the beareward should have twenty shillin_
drinke. The supper was prepared. The beareward was sent for,
and came. After supper the matter was intreated of, and twenty
shillings offered for the booke. But do what could bee done.
neither friendship, acquaintance, nor yet reward of money could
obtaine the booke out of his handes, but that the same should
be delivered unto some of the councell that would not so sleightlv
looke on so weightie a matter, as to have it redeemed for a sup-
per, or a piece of money. The honest man M. Blage with many
good reasons would have perswaded him not to be stiffe in his
owne conceite, declaring that in the end hee should nothing at
all prevaile of his purpose, but bee laught to scorne, getting nei-
ther peny nor prayse for his travell. Hee hearing that, rushed
sodainly out of the doores from his friend maister Blage, without
any manner of thankes giving for his supper, more like a bea re-
ward, than like an honest man. When the secretary saw the
matter so extreamlie to be used against him, he then thought it
expedient to fall from any farther practising of intreatie with th
beareward, as with him that seemed rather to be a beare him>elte.
than the master of the beast, determining the next mornin.
make the lord Cromwell privy of the chance that hapned.

So on the next day, as the lord Cromwell went to the court.
the secretarie declared the whole matter unto him, and how he
had offered him twenty shillings for the finding thereof. \\
is the fellowe, quoth the lord Cromwell? I suppose, sayd the
secretarie, that he is now in the court attending to deliver th
booke unto some of the councell. Well sayd the lord Cromwell,
it maketh no matter: go with me thither, and 1 shall get you
your booke againe. When the lord Cromwell came into the hall
of the court, there stood the bean -ward with the booke in his
hand, waiting to have delivered the same unto Syr Anthonv
Hrowne, or unto the bishoppe of Winchester, as it was rep.
To w home the lord Cromwell sayd, Come hither fellowe ; what
booke hast thou there in thy hand? And with that he >iu:
the booke out of his hand, and lookiiiLC in the bonke. he sayd. I
knowe this hand well enough. This is your hand, said h<
the secretarie. Hut where haddest thou this hooke. cjimth
lord Cromwell to the beareward? This gentleman lost it two

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 271

dayes agoe in the Thames, saide the beareward. Doest thou
knowe whose servant he is, saide the lord Cromwell ? He saith,
quoth the beareward, that he is my lord of Canterburies servant.
Why then diddest not thou deliver to him the booke, when he
required it, said the lord Cromwell ? Who made thee so bold
as to detaine and withhold any booke or writing from a counsel-
lers servant, specially being his secretarie ? It is more meeter
for thee to meddle with thy beares then with such writing ; and
it were not for thy mistres sake, I would set thee fast by the
feete, to teach such malepert knaves to meddle with counsellors
matters. Had not money beene well bestowed upon such a good
fellowe as this is, that knoweth not a counsellers man from a
coblers man ? And with those words the lord Cromwell went up
into the kings chamber of presence, and the archbishops secre-
tarie with him, where he found in the chamber the lord of Can-
turburie. To whome he sayd, my lord, I have found heer good
stuffe for you (shewing to him the paper booke that he had in his
hand) readie to bring both you and this good fellowe your man
to the halter, namely if the knave beareward nowe in the hall,
might have well compassed it. At these words the archbishop
smiled and said, he that lost the booke is like to have the worse
bargaine, for besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he
must write the booke faire againe ; and at those wordes the lord
Cromwell cast the booke unto the secretary, saying, I pray thee,
Morice, go in hand therwith by and by with all expedition, for it
must serve a turne. Surely my lord, it somewhat rejoyceth me,
quoth the lord Cromwell, that the verlet might have had of your
man twenty shillings for the booke, and nowe I have discharged
the matter with never a penie. And shaking him well up for his
overmuch malepartnes, I knowe the fellow well enough (quoth
he) there is not a rancker papist within this realme than hee is,
most unworthy to be a servant unto so noble a princesse. And
so after humble thankes given to the lord Cromwell, the sayd
Morice departed with his booke, which when he againe had faire
written, it was delivered to the kings majestie by the sayd Lord
Cromwell, within four dayes after.

It is commonly seene, that men advanced once from base
degree, to ample dignities, do rise also with fortune into such
insolencie and exaltation of minde, that not onely they forget
themselves what they were, and from whence they came, but
also cast out of remembraunce all their olde friends and former

272 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

acquaintance, which have beene to them before beneficiall. From
which sort of men, how farre the curteous condition of this
christen earle did differ, by diverse examples it may appeare. As
by a certaine poore woman keeping sometime a vitailing house
about Hounsloe, to whome the said L. Cromwell remained in
debt for certaine old reckonings, to the summe of forty shillings.
It hapned that the L. Cromwell, with Cranmer archbishop of
Canturburie, riding thorow Cheape side towards the Court, in
turning his eye over the way, and there espying this poore wo-
man, brought now in neede and miserie, eftsoones caused her to
be called unto him. Who being come, after certaine questions
he asked her if shee were not such a woman, and dwelling in
such a place. At last he demaunded, if he were not behind for
certaine payment of money betweene him and her. To whome
shee with reverent obeysance, confessed that he owed her money
for a certain old reckoning which was yet unpayd, whereof shee
stood now in great necessitie, but never durst call upon him, nor
could come at him for to require her right. Then the L. Crom-
well sending the poore woman home to his house, and one of his
servants withall, that the porter should let her in, after his
returne from the court, not onelie discharged the debt which he
owed, but also gave her a yearely pension of foure pounds, and
a livery everie yeere while she lived.

The like curtesie the said L. Cromwell shewed also to a
certaine Italian, who in the citie of Florence, had shewed him
much kindnes in succoring and relieving his necessitie, as in
this storie following may appeare. Which storie set forth and
compiled in the Italian tongue by Bandello 7, and imprinted at

7 Bandello.'] This story forms the 34th novel of part ii. of Bandello's No-
velle, printed at Lucca, by Vincenzo Busdrago, in 1534. It is inti;
"Francesco Frescobaldo fa cortesia ad un straniero, e n'e ben rimeritato,
essendo colui divennto Contestabile d'Inghilterra." The revival of the office
of constable had been proposed, as we have seen (p. 98), by Wolsey, who
was overruled by Sir Thomas More ; but Cromwell, though not con.st
exercised perhaps even greater power as the king's vicegerent and \
general. Bandello says of him. " Hora, percio che non pareva a quclla ceca
de la Fortuna haver fatto assai, d'haver levato dal basso de la terra il (Y
uello, e levatolo in alto a tanta grandezza, voile anco alzarlo molto piu, t
che il Re lo cred Contestabile del Regno (degnita suprema e a laquale nessun'
altra dopo il Re s'agguaglia). Fatto che fu Contestabile, il Re tutto il gov
del regno in mano gli diede ; di modo, che il Cremouelio venne in *
altezza, che era cosa incredibile. Cresciuto ch'egli fu a tanta grandezza, si

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 273

Luke by Busdrago, an. 1554, I thought heere to insert, with the
whole order and circumstance thereof, as it is reported.

Not many yeares past, sayth the author, there was in Flo-
rence a merchant, whose name was Fraunces, descended from
the noble and auncient familie of the Frescobalds. This gentle-
man was naturally indued with a noble and liberall minde, unto
whome also through prosperous successe and fortunate lucke in
his affaires and doings, much aboundance of riches increased, so
that hee grew in great wealth, having his cofers replenished with
many heapes of much treasure. He according to the custome of
marchants, used his trade into many countries, but chiefly into
England, where long time he lived, sojourning in London, keeping
house to his great commendation and prayse.

It happened, that Fraunces Frescobald being in Florence,
there appeared before him a poore young man, asking his almes
for Gods sake. Frescobald as he earnestly beheld this ragged
stripling, who was not so disguised in his tattered attire, but that
his countenaunce gave signification of much towardness and
vertue in him, with conformitie of manners agreeing to the same,
being moved with pitie, demaunded of what countrey he was, and
where he was borne. 1 am Syr (quoth he) of England, and my
name is Thomas Cromwell. My father is a poore man, and by
his occupation a cloth shearer 8. I am strayed from my countrey,
and am now come into Italy with the campe of Frenchmen that
were overthrowne at Gatilyon 9, where I was the page to a foot-
man, carrying after him his pike and burganet. Frescobald partlie

scoperse nemico a spada tratta di tutta quanta la nobilta de FIsola, e ove
poteva a qualche gentilhuomo nuocere, non mancava; e se il Re alcuno ne
pigliava in odio ; egli aggiungeva stipa al fuoco." These very severe remarks
Fox has not translated. Bandello's account of Cromwell's rapid elevation
and his sudden fall is very graphically told, but is too long to give here.

8 A cloth shearer,] Fox, in a marginal note on this passage, says, that " this
cloth shearer was his father-in-law :" and above, p. 222, he tells us that he was
" a smith's sonne, and that his mother married after to a shyreman." Cardi-
nal Pole's words are, "pater ejus pannis verrendis victum quseritabat."

9 Gatilyon.~\ The battle of the Garigliano. Cromwell's words, as reported
by Bandello, are, " lo mi chiamo Tomaso Cremouello, figliuolo d'un povero
cimatore di panni, che fuggendo da mio padre, son venuto in Italia col campo
dei Francesi, che e stato rotto al Garigliano, e stavo con un fante a piedi, por-
tandole dietro la picca." This was in 1503, when the marquis of Saluzzo, who
commanded the French troops sent to enforce the claims of Louis XII. upon
the throne of Naples, was defeated at the passage of the Garigliano, and his army
utterly dispersed by the Spaniards, under the command of Gonsalvo de Cordova.

VOL. II. T

274 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

considering the present state of this yong man, and partly for
the love he bare to the English nation, of whome he had received
in times past sundrie pleasures, received him into his house, and
with such curtesie entertained his guest, as at his departure when
he was in minde to returne to his countrey, he provided such
necessaries as he any way needed. Hee gave him both horse
and new apparell, and sixteen duckats of gold in his purse, to
bring him into his countrey. Cromwell rendring his heartie
thankes, tooke leave of his host and returned into England. This
Cromwell was a man of noble courage and heroicall spirit, given
to enterprise great matters, very liberall, and a grave counseller,
&c. But to our purpose.

At what time Cromwell was so highly favoured of his prince,
and advanced to such dignitie as is aforesaid, Frances Fresco-
bald (as it many times hapneth unto merchants) was by many
misfortunes and great losses, cast backe and become verie poore.
For according to conscience and equitie, he payd whatsoever
was due to any other from himselfe, but such debts as were owing
unto him, he could by no meanes obtaine : yet calling further
to remembrance that in England by certaine merchants there
was due to him the summe of fifteen thousand ducates, he so
purposed with himselfe, that if he could recover that mony. he
would well content himself, and no longer deale in the trade of
merchants, but quietly passe over the rest of his daies.

All things prepared for his journey, he setting forward towards
England, at last arrived at London, having utterly forge >tt«-n
what curtesie long before he had shewed to Cromwell, which is
the property alvvaies of a good nature, for a man to forget what
benefites hee hath shewed to other, but to keep in minde con-
tinually what he hath received of other. Frescobald thus bein^
now arrived at London, and there travelling earnestly about his
businesse, it chanced him by the way to meete with this noble
man, as he was riding toward the court. Whome, as soon
the said lord Cromwell had espied, and had earnestly beheld
bethought with himselfe that hee should be the man of Florence.
at whose hands in times past he had received so gentle cnter-
tainement, and thereupon sodenly alighting (to the great
admiration of those that were with him) in his annes he gently
embraced the stranger, and with a broken voyce scarce al>l
refraine teares, he demaunded if hee were not Frances Fr<
bald the Florentine. " Yea sir (he answered) and your humble

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 275

servant.11 " My servant," quoth Cromwell? "no, as you have not
beene my servant in times past, so will I not now account you
otherwayes then my great and especiall friend, assuring you that
I have just reason to be sorie, that you knowing what I am (or
at the least what I should be) will not let me understand of your
arriving in this land, which knowne unto me, truely I should
have payd part of that debt which I confesse to owe to you : but
thanked bee God I have yet time. Well sir, in conclusion, you
are hartily welcome. But having now waightie affaires in my
princes cause, you must hold mee excused, that I can no longer
tarie with you. Wherefore at this time I take my leave, desir-
ing you with the faithfull minde of a friend, that you forget not
this day to come to my house to dinner :" and then in remounting
on his horse, he passed to the court. Frescobald greatly mer-
vailing with himselfe who this lord should be, at last after some
pause, his remembraunce better called home, hee knewe him to
be the same, whome long before (as you have heard) he had
relieved in Florence, and thereat not a little joyed, especially con-
sidering how that by his meanes he should the better recover his
duetie.

The houre of dinner drawing neere, he repayred to the house
of this honourable counsellour, where walking awhile in his base
court, he attended his comming. The lord shortly returned from
the court, and no sooner dismounted, but hee againe embraced
this gentleman, with so friendly a countenance, that both the
lord admirall, and all the other noble men of the court being
then in his companie, did not a little marvell thereat.

Which thing when the lord Cromwell perceived, hee turning
towards them, and holding Frescobald fast by the hand ; " Do
ye not mervaile my lords (quoth he) that I seeme so glad of this
man ? This is he by whose meanes I have atchieved the degree
of this my present calling : and because ye shall not be ignorant
of his curtesie when I greatly needed, I shall tell it you :" and so
there declared unto them everie thing in order according as
before hath beene recited unto you. His tale finished, holding
him still by the hand, hee entered his house, and comming into
the chamber, where his dinner was prepared, he sate him downe
to the table, placing his best welcommed guest next unto him.

The dinner ended, and the lords departed, he would know what
occasion had brought Frescobald to London. Frances in few7

T 2

276 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

words opened his cause, truely telling, that from great wealth, he
was fallen into povertie, and that his only portion to maintaine
the rest of his life, was fifteen thousand ducates which were
owing him in England, and two thousand in Spaine. W hereunto
the lord Cromwell answering againe, said, " Touching the things
maister Frescobald that be alreadie past, although it cannot now
be undone by mans power, nor by policie called againe, which
hath hapned unto you by the unstable condition and mutabilitie
of this world altering to and fro : yet is not your sorrow so pecu-
liar to your selfe alone, but that by the bond of mutuall love, I
must also bewraile with you this your state and condition : which
state and condition of yours, though it may worke in you matter
of just heavines, yet notwithstanding, to the intent you may re-
ceive in this your heavie distresse some consolation for your olde
curtesie shewed to me in times past, the like curtesie now re-
quireth of me againe, that I likewise should repay some portion
of that debt wherein I stand bound unto you, according as the
part of a thankfull man bindeth me to do, in requiting your
benefites on my part heretofore received. And this further I
avouch in the word of a true friend, that during this life and si
of mine, I will never faile to do for you, wherein my authoritie
may prevaile to supply your lacke and necessitie. And so l«-t
these few words suffice to give you knowledge of my friendly
meaning. But let me delaie the time no longer."

Then taking him by the hand, hee led him into his chamlx r.
whence, after that everieman by his commandement was dt j.nrtt <1.
he locked fast the doore. Then opening a cofer full heaped with
treasure, he first tooke out sixteene ducates, and delivering them
to Frescobald, he said: " Loe heere (my friend) is your in
which you lent me at my departure from Florence, and li
other tenne which you bestowed in my apparell, with tenne n
that you disbursed for the horse I rid away on. But considering
you are a merchant, it seemeth to mee not honest to returne \ mil-
money without some consideration for the long detaining of it.
Take you therefore these four bags, and in everie of them is four
hundred ducates, these you shall receive and enjoy from the han<l>
of your assured friend."

Frescobald, although from great wealth he was brought t
ln\\r ebbe, and (almost) an utter decay, yet e\jin-»ing the vert in-
of a modest minde, after gentle thankes given to the lord GY

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 277

well for his exceeding kindnesse shewed, curteously would have
refused that which was offered, had not the other enforced him
against his will to receive it.

This done, he caused Frescobald to give him a note of the
names of all his debters, and the summe that from everie one of
them was owing him. This schedule he delivered to one of his
servants, unto whom he gave charge diligentlie to search out such
men whose names therein were contained, if they were within any
part of the realme, and then streightly to charge them to make
payment of those summes within fifteen daies, or els to abide the
hazard of his displeasure. The servant so wel performed his
maisters commaundement, that in verie short time they made
payment of the whole summe ; and if it had liked Frescobald so
to have demaunded, they should have answered to the uttermost
such commoditie, as the use of his money in so many yeares
would have given him profit : but he, contented with his princi-
pall, would demaund no further. By which meanes he gat both
harty love and great estimation ; and the more, for that he was
so deer to the lord Cromwell, and so highly esteemed of him.

And during all this time, Frescobald continuallie lodged in the
house of the lord Cromwell, who ever gave him such entertain-
ment as he had right well deserved, and oftentimes mooved him
to abide in England, offering him the loan of sixty thousand
ducates, for the space of foure yeares, if he would continue and
make his banke in London. But Frescobald, who desired to,re-
turne into his countrey, and there quietly to continue the rest of
his life, with the great favour of the lord Cromwell, after many
thanks for his high and noble entertainment, departed towards
his desired home, where richly arriving, he gave himselfe quietly to
live. But this wealth he small time enjoyed, for in the first year
of his returne he died. [The extract from Bandello ends here.]

So plentifull was the life of this man in such fruites full of sin-
gular gratitude and curtesie, that to rehearse all, it would require
too long a tractation. Yet one example amongst many other I
may not overpasse, whereby wee may evidently consider or rather
marvell at the lowly minde of such a person, in so high a state
and place of honour. For as hee comming with other of the lords
of the counsayle and commissioners, to the house of Shene, about
the examination of certaine monks which there denied the kings
supremacie, after the examination done was there sitting at din-
ner, it chanced him to spie a farre off a certaine poore man,

278 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

which there served to sweepe their eels and cloister, and to ring
the bels. Whome when the lord Cromwell had well advised, he
sent for the poore man to come unto him, and before all the table
most lovinglie and friendly calling him by his name, tooke him by
the hand, and asked how he did, with many other good words.
and turning therewith to the lordes ; " My lordes (quoth hee) see
you this poore man ? This mans father hath beene a great friend
to mee in my necessitie, and hath given mee manie a in
meate." Then said he unto the poore man, "Come unto me
and I will provide for thee, and thou shalt not lack so long as I
live." Such as were there present and sawe and heard tin same.
report it to be true.

In this worthy and noble person, besides divers other eminent
vertues, three things especially are to be considered, to wit, flou-
rishing authoritie, excelling wisedome, and fervent zeale to Christ
and to his gospell. — First, as touching his fervent zeale in setting
forward the sinceritie of Christian faith, sufficient is to be s<
by the injunctions, proclamations, and articles above specified;
so that more cannot almost be wished in a noble man, and scarse
the like hath beene seene in any.

Secondly, for his wisedome and policie no lesse singular, jo\
with his christen zeale ; he brought great things to passe, as well
on this side the sea, as in the other parts beyond. But especially
his working was to nourish peace abroad withforreine realm-
may well by the kings letters and instructions sent by hi
to his ambassadors resident both with the emperour, the French
king, and the king of Scots, and also with the pope, appeaiv. In
all whose courts, such watch and espiall he had, that nothing
there was done, nor pretended, whereof he before had not int< 1-
ligence. Neither was there any sparke of mischiefe kindling i
so little against the king and the realme, which her by wit
policie did not quench and keepe downe. And where policie
would not serve to obtaine peace, yet by money he brought it
out : so that during all the time of Cromwels prosperities tin- king
never had warre with any forreine nation : notwithstanding, that
both the pope, the emperour, the kings of Fraunce and Scotland.
were mightily bent and incensed against him.

Thus, as the prudent policie of this man was ever circum-;
abroad, to stay the realme from iorreine w.-n hi> anth'

no Inte* occupied in keeping u<'<»<! order and rule ,-it 1 H-:

First, in hampering the popish prelates, and disappointing their

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX, 279

subtle devises : secondly, in bridling and keeping other unruly
subjects under subjection and discipline of the lawes. Whereby,
as he was a succour and refuge to all godly persons, so was hee a
terror to the evill doers : so that not the presence of him onely,
but also the hearing of the comming of Cromwell brake many
fraies, and much evill rule : as well appeared by a certaine noto-
rious fray or riot, appointed to be fought by a companie of ruffians
in the streete of London called Pater noster rowe, where cartes
were set on both sides of purpose, prepared to enclose them, that
none might breake in to part them. It hapned, that as this des-
perate skirmish should begin, the lord Cromwell comming the
same time from the court through Paules churchyard, and enter-
ing into Cheape, had intelligence of the great fray toward, and
because of the carts he could not come at them, but was forced
to goe about the little conduit, and so came upon them through
Pannier Alley.

Thus as the conflict began to waxe hot, and the people were
standing by in great expectation to see them fight, sodainly at
the noise of the lord Cromwels comming, the campe brake up,
and the ruffians began to goe, neither could the carts keepe in
those so courageous campers, but well was he that first could be
gone. And so ceased this tumultuous outrage, without any
other parting, only thorough the authoritie of the lord Cromwels
name.

One example more of the like affinitie commeth heere in minde,
which ought not to be omitted, concerning a certaine serving man
of the like ruffianly order, who thinking to dissever himself from
the common usage of all other men in strange new-fanglenes of
fashions by himselfe (as many there bee whom nothing doth
please, which is daiely seene and received) used to go with his haire
hanging about his eares downe unto his shoulders, after a strange
monstrous manner, counterfeiting belike the wild Irish men, or
els Crinitus Joppas, which Virgil speaketh of, as one wearie of
his owne English fashion : or else as one ashamed to be seene
like a man, would rather go like a woman, or like to one of the
Gorgon sisters ; but most of all like to himselfe, that is, like to a
ruffian 10, that could not tell how to go.

10 Like to a ruffian,'] In the year 1608 archbishop Bancroft, then chancellor
of the university of Oxford, gave directions, as we are told by Anth. a Wood,
to prevent " occasions of offence, that long hair was not to be worn by the
students : for whereas in the reign of queen Elizabeth few or none wore their

280 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

As this ruffian ruffling thus with his locks was walking in the
streets, as chance was, who should meete him but the lord Crom-
well ? who beholding the deforme and unseemlie manner of his
disguised going, full of much vanitie and hurtfull example, call- <1
the man to question with him whose servant hee was : which
being declared, then was he demaunded, whether his maister or
anie of his fellowes used so to go with such haire about their
shoulders as he did, or no ? Which when he denied, and was not
able to yeeld any reason for refuge of that his monstrous disguis-
ing, at length he fell to this excuse, that he had made a vow. To
this the lord Cromwell answered againe, that for so much as he
had made himselfe a votarie, he would not force him to breake
his vowe, but untill his vowe should be expired, he should lye the
meane time in prison, and so sent him immediately to the Mar-
shalsey, where he endured, till at length this intonsus Cato, being
perswaded by his maister to cut his haire, by suit and petition of
friends, was brought againe to the lord Cromwell with his head
polled, according to the accustomed sort of his other fello
and so was dismissed.

Heereunto also pertaineth the example of frier Bartley, who
wearing still his friers coule after the suppression of religious
houses, Cromwell coming through Paules church-yard, and espy-
ing him in Rheines his shop, "yea" sayd he, " will not that conic
of yours be left off yet ? and if I heare by one a clocke that this
apparell be not changed, thou shalt be hanged immediatly for
example to all other." And so putting his coule away, he never
durst weare it after.

If the same lord Cromwell, which could not abide this serving-
man so disfigured in his haire, were now in these our daies a-livc.
with the same authoritie which then he had, and sawe these new-
fangled fashions of attire, used heere amongst us both of men and
women, I suppose verily, that neither these monstrous ruffes, nor

hair longer than their ears (for they that did so were accounted by the graver
and elder sort, swaggerers and ruffians}, now it was common, even among the
scholars, who were to be examples of modesty, gravity, and decency." Annals,
vol. ii. p. 298. edit. 1796. Sir George Radcliffe, friend of the great earl of
Strafford, writes thus, in a letter to his mother, dated Univ. Coll. Osf
14, 16 10: "The university I find very much reformed, about drinking, LONO
HAIK, and other vices, especially our house; out of which two have ;
gone, to avoid expulsion for drunkenness." Life and Correspondence of Sir
George Radclijfe, p. 64. 4to. 1810. Radcliffe's early education, it is hardly
necessary to say, had been puritan.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 281

these prodigious hose, and prodigall or rather hyberbolicall barba-
rous breeches (which seeme rather like barels then breeches)
would have any place in England. In which unmeasurable excesse
of vesture, this I have to marvell ; first, how these serving men,
which commonly have nothing els but their wages, and that so
slender and bare, can maintaine such slops, so huge and so sump-
tuous, which commonly stand them in more, then their three
yeares wages doe come unto. Secondly, I marvell that their
maisters and lords (who shall yeelde to God account of their
servants doings) do not search and trie out their servants walkes,
how they come by these expenses, wherewith to uphold this
braverie, seeing their stipendarie wages, and all revenues else
they have, will not extend thereunto. Thirdly, this most of all
is to be marveiled, that magistrates which have in their hands the
ordering and guiding of good lawes, do not provide more severely
for the needfull reformation of these enormities. — But heere we
may well see, and truly this may say, that England once had n a
Cromwell.

Long it were to recite what innumerable benefites this worthy
councellour by his prudent policie, his grave authoritie and perfect
zeale wrought and brought to passe in the publike realme ; and
especially in the church of England, what good orders he esta-
blished, what wickednes and vices he suppressed, what corruptions
he reformed, what abuses he brought to light, what craftie jug-
glings, what idolatrous deceptions, and superstitious illusions hee
detected and abolished out of the church. What posteritie will
ever thinke the church of the pope, pretending such religion, to
have beene so wicked, so long to abuse the peoples eyes, with an

11 England once had.~\ But even in king Henry's days, there was not much
to boast of in this respect, if we may judge from the frequent complaints of
zealous preachers against the follies and extravagance of their contemporaries.
Thus in a sermon preached A.D. 1545, by Cuthbert Scot, afterwards bishop of
Chester. " May we not " (it is said) " see a serving man havynge not paste
foure nobles, or forty shillings wages to lyve upon, so gorgiously appareled
in his gesture, and behavoure of his body ; in his pace, and goynge so to use
himselfe, as if he were a man of substaunce, yea an esquier or a knyght.
And yf a man wolde have experience further of his maners and conditions,
he shall fynde hym stout in wordes, lyberall, yea prodigall, in expenses, and
all together gyven to preferre him self unto other men." Signat. H 3. Im-
printed by Johannes Herford. See also Supplication to King Henry VIIL
Signat D 1— D 2. A.D. 1544, and Becon's Jewell of Joy. Works, vol. ii. fol.
19, 20.

282 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

olde rotten stocke (called the roode of grace ') wherein a man
should stand inclosed, with an hundredth wyers within the roode.
to make the image goggle with the eies, to nod with the head, to
hang the lip, to moove and shake his jawes according as tla- \al \\
was of the gift which was offered I If it were a small piece of
silver, he would hang a frowning lip, if it were a piece of
then should his jawes go merily. Thus miserably was the
of Christ abused, their soules seduced, their senses beguiled, and
their purses spoyled, till this idolatrous forgerie at last, by Croni-
wels meanes was disclosed, and the image, with all his < -M^incs
shewed openly at Paules Crosse, and there torne in pieces by thu
people. The like was done by the bloud of Hales, which in like
maner by Cromwell, was brought to Paules Crosse, and there
proved to be the bloud of a ducke 8.

1 The roode of grace, .] This was a celebrated image at Boxley in K
The fraud was suspected and detected by one Nicholas Partridge: after which
the whole apparatus was brought to London to be exposed to the pt
Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, preaching at the same time a sermon on the occa-
sion. See Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 232. vol. iii. p. 132.
See also Hottingeri Histor. Ecclesiast., torn. ix. p. 43 — 6.

In Lambard's Perambulation of Kent, p. 182—5, edit. 1576, is a full and
entertaining account how this image was first made, and of the circumstances
of its first setting up in the abbey of Boxley, taken from a description pub-
lished in honour of the rood by the monks of that place.

2 Bloud of a duckeJ] "Edmund, the son and heir of Richard earl of Corn-
wall, who was second son to king John, being with his father in Germany,
there beholding the relicks, and other precious monuments of the antient
emperors, he espied a box of gold; by the inscription whereof he pen

(as the opinion of men then gave) that therein was contained a portion <
blood of our blessed Saviour.

" He therefore being desirous to have some part thereof, by fair en'
and money obtained his desire, and brought the box over with him into
land, bestowing a third part thereof on the abbey of Hales, which his !
had founded, and wherein his father and mother were both buried, then
enrich the said monastry." Weever's Funeral Monuments, disc. p. 138. edit.
1767.

But this is not the only account given, of the manner in which the monks
became possessed of this precious treasure. " A Christian, it seems, onc(
a time, lived in a city, in which were many Jews; this man had a ro
which he did worship and honour after his cunning. It so ha}..
he changed his abode, and unwittingly left the rood In-hind him. A Ji-v.
ceeded him in the possession of his habitation: who soon ufti-r inakii.
i ntrrtamment for his friends of his own religion, they discovered tin-
which had passed unperceived by their host. Upon this disr<
immediately accused him of apostatizing to Christianity, beat the poor man,

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 283

Who would have judged, but that the mayd of Kent 3 had beene
an holy woman and a prophetesse inspired, had not Cromwell and
Cranmer tried her at Paules crosse ?

and dragged him about the house. They then took the image, heat it, scourged
it, and crowned it with thorns ; and at the last they made the strongest of them
take a spear, and with all his might smite it to the heart. And anon bloud
and water ran out of the sides. Then were they sore afraid, and said, * Let us
take pots, and fill them with this blood, and bear it to the temple, to the sick
people, to anoint them therewith : and if they be made whole by the blood,
then let us cry God mercy, and be christened man and woman.' The sick were
healed accordingly. Then went the Jews to the bishop of the city, and told
him all that had happened : and anon he kneeled down on his knees, and
thanked God for this fair miracle : and when he had christened the Jews, he
took phials of glass, cristal, and amber, and filling them with this blood, sent
it about to divers churches ; out of this blood, as mary men understand, came
the blood of Hales." Festival, fol. 103.

I shall now present the reader with an account of this imposture, from a
MS. in the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth, of a work, to which I have
before referred, written in the first year of king Edward VI. by William
Thomas, clerk to the council in the reign of that monarch.

" One thing I shall tell you especially. In a certaine monasterie called
Hayles, there was a great offering to the bloud of Christ, brought thither
many yeares agone out of the holie land of Jerusalem. And this bloud had
such vertue, that as long as the pilgrim were in deadly sinne, his sight would
not serve him to regard it : but incontinently as he was in the state of grace,
he should cleerely behold it. See heere the craft of these develish soule-
quellers ! It behoved the person that came thither to see it, first to confesse
himself, and then paying a certayne (sum) to the common (stock) of the mo-
nasterie, to enter into a chapel, upon the aultar whereof this bloud should be
shewed him. This meane while, by a secret way behind the aultar came the
monke that had confessed him, and presented upon the aultar a pixe of
crystal!, great and thicke as a bowle on the one side, and thinne as a glasse
on the other side : in the which the bloud on the thinner side was open and
cleere to the sight, and on the thicke side impossible to be discerned. Now
if this holie confessour thought by the confession that he had heard, that the
qualitie of the partie confessed would yeeld him more money, then shewed he
forthe the thicke side of the pixe, through which the bloud was invisible, so
that the person seeing himself remayning in deadly sinne, must turn, and
return unto his confessour, till by paying for masses, and other such almes,
he had purchased the sight of the thinne side of the cristall ; and then he was
safe in the favour of God, untill he fell in sinne agayne. And what bloud,
trow you, was this ? These monks (for there were two specially and secretly
appointed to this office) every Saturday killed a ducke, and renued therewith
this consecrated bloud, as they themselves confessed, not only in secret, but
also openly before an approved audience. And was this miracle think you
alone ? No ! Alas, if I should," &c. Thomas's Pelegrin Inylese, or Apology
for Henry VIII., p. 70—2. (or p. 61—3. edit. 177*, printed copy), Lambeth

284 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

What should I speak of Darvell Gartheren 4, of the roode of
Chester, of Thomas Becket, our Lady of Walsingham, with an
infinite multitude more of the like affinitie? All which st<>
and blockes of cursed idolatrie, Cromwell, stirred up by the provi-
dence of God, remooved out of the peoples way, that they might
walke more safely in the sincere service of almightie God.

While the lord Cromwell was thus blessedly occupied in profit-
ing the common wealth, and purging the church of Christ, it
hapned to him, as commonly it doth to all good men, that where
any excellency of vertue appeareth, there envie creepeth in, and
where true pietie seeketh most after Christ, there some persecu-
tion folio we th withall.

Thus (I say) as he was labouring in the commonwealth, and
doing good to the poore afflicted saints, helping them out of
trouble, the malice of his enemies so wrought, continually hunting
for matter against him, that they never ceased, till in the end,
they by false traines and craftie surmises, brought him out of the
kings favour.

The chiefe and principajl enemie against him, was Steven G.ir-
diner bishop of Winchester, who ever disdaining and envying the
state and felicitie of the lord Cromwell, and now taking his occa-
sion by the mariage of ladie Anne * of Cleve, being a stranger

MSS. No. 464. "The king himself (Thomas further informs us) was, till God
opened his eyes, blinde in these matters and obstinate as the rest," which
account is confirmed by a passage in Latimer's seventh sermon preached
before king Edward VI. — " the bloud of Hales, woe worth it ; what a doe was
it to bring it out of the kinge's head ! This great abomination of the bloud of
Hales could not be taken for a great while out of his minde." Latimer's
Sermons, fol. 84. b. edit. 1584.

But when it is said that this liquid was the blood of a duck, I must not
neglect to mention, that Thomas Hearne has printed the report of the com-
missioners who were sent to examine into this pretended miracle at the time
of the dissolution of the monasteries. From this report it appears that the
contents of the pix were neither more nor less than clarified honey, "which
being in a glasse, appeared to be of a glistering redde, resemblynge partly the
color of blod." Petri Benedicti Vita Henrici II., vol. ii. p. 752.

3 The mayd of Kent.~\ See Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. i. p.
143 — 7; Strype's Ecclesiast. Memorials, vol. i p. 176 — 83, and Lambard's
Perambulation of Kent, p. 1 49 — 53.

4 Darvell Gartheren] Fox, p. 1005, and Burnet, vol.i. p. 232—4.
Ecclesiast. Memor., vol. i. p. 251, &c.

* By the mariage of ladie Anne.'] See Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting.
I p 114, edit. 4.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 285

and forreiner, put in the kings eares what a perfect thing it were
to the quiet of the realme, and establishment of the kings suc-
cession, to have an English queene and prince that were meere
English ; so that in conclusion, the kings affection, the more it
was diminished from the late maried Anne of Cleve, the lesse
favour he bare unto Cromwell. Besides this Gardiner, there
lacked not other backe friends 6 also, and ill willers in the court

6 Other backe friends.'] The conduct of Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury,
presents an illustrious exception to that of the rest of the courtiers, in this
critical moment of Cromwell's impending destruction. In behalf of a faithful
devoted servant, and his own friend, he thus, I will not say fearlessly, but,
what is far better, conscientiously, and in a noble spirit of voluntary self-
sacrifice, interposes himself, against the displeasure and fury of the king, in
a letter of admirable skill and feeling. It is to be regretted that what we have
is only a fragment.

" I heard yesterday in your grace's council that he is a traitor. Yet, who
cannot be sorrowful and amazed that he should be a traitor against your
majesty? He that was so advanced by your majesty; he whose surety was
only by your majesty; he who loved your majesty, as I have ever thought,
no less than God ; he who studied always to set forward whatsoever was
your majesty's will and pleasure ; he that cared for no man's displeasure to
serve your majesty ; he that was such a servant in my judgment, in wisdom,
diligence, faithfulness, and experience, as no prince in this realm ever had ;
he that was so vigilant to preserve your majesty from all treasons, that few
could be so secretly conceived, but he detected the same in the beginning.
If the noble princes of memory, King John, Henry II., and Richard II., had
had such a counsellor about them, I suppose that they should never have
been so traitorously abandoned and overthrown as those good princes
were ....

" I loved him as my friend, for so I took him to be ; but I chiefly loved
him for the love which I thought I saw him bear ever towards your grace,
singularly above all other. But now, if he be a traitor, I am sorry that ever
I loved him or trusted him ; and I am very glad that his treason is discovered
in time. But yet again I am very sorrowful ; for whom shall your grace
trust hereafter, if you might not trust him ? — Alas ! I bewail and lament
your grace's chance herein : I wot not whom your grace may trust. But I
pray God continually, night and day, to send such a counsellor in his place
whom your grace may trust ; and who for all his qualities can and will serve
your grace like to him, and that will have so much solicitude and care to pre-
serve your grace from all dangers as I ever thought he had .... (14 June,
1540)."

" All this," says Lord Herbert, " I have faithfully copied out of the ori-
ginal " — Life and Reign of K. Henry VIII., p. 521, or Jenkyns's admirable
edition of the Works of Cranmer, vol. i. p. 298, 9. Oxf. 1833.

I give the above extract the more readily, because it is no unusual thing to
see reflections upon Cranmer, as if he were in the habit of yielding, contrary

286 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

about the king, which little made for Cromwell, both for his reli-
gion which they maligned, and for other private grudges al>o
incident by the way.

Over and besides all which, it is moreover supposed, that sonic
part of displeasure might rise against him, by reason of a eer-
taine talke which hapned a little time before at Lambeth, at what
time the king after the making of the six articles, sent the savd
lord Cromwell his vicegerent, with the two dukes of North! oik
and Suffolke, with all the lords of the parliament to Lambeth, to
dine with the archbishop (who mightily had disputed and alledged
in the parliament against the said articles) to cheare and comfort
his daunted spirits againe.

There the said lord Cromwell with the other noble lords sitting
with the archbishop at his table in talke, as everie lord brought
forth his sentence in commendation of Cranmer, to signifie what
good will both the king and they bare unto him; among the
rest one of the companie entring into a comparison between the
sayd Thomas Cranmer, and Thomas Wolsey late cardinal! of
Yorke, declared in his judgement, that Cranmer was much to be
preferred for his milde and gentle nature, whereas the cardinal!
was a stubborne and a churlish prelate, and one that could never
abide any noble man, and that (sayd he) knowe you well enough.
my lord Cromwell, for he was your master, &c. At t
wordes the lord Cromwell being somewhat touched to hcaiv the
cardinalls service7 cast in his teeth, inferred againe saying ; that
he could not denie but he was servant sometime to cardinall
Wolsey ; neither did repent the same, for he received of him
both fee, meate, and drinke ; and other commodities : but v>

to his own judgment, by cowardly and dishonourable compliance to the arbi-
trary will of Henry. Whereas I believe it to be true, that we have upon
record more examples of conscientious and dangerous opposition to that will,
on his part alone, or on his, at least, and that of his friend Latimer join'
Latimer indeed in any sense can be reckoned among the courtiers), than from
all the rest of the courtiers of every description, during the whole of the
king's reign taken together.

7 The cardinalls service.'] "The articles against Wolsey were present
the king by the lords, and were sent down to the lower hous
Thomas Cromwell, obtaining the place of a burgess, so wittily dt-frnd-
cardinal his master, that no treason could lie laid to his charge. And upon
this honest beginning, Cromwell obtained his first reputation." — Lord llrr-
bert's Life of Henry VIII , p. 302. See also Cavendish's Life of /1V
vol. i. p. 595.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 287

was never so farre in love with him, as to have waited upon him
to Home, if he had beene chosen pope, as he understood that he
would have done if the case had so fallen out. Which when the
other had denied to be true, Cromwell still persisted, affirming
the same, and shewing moreover what number of florens hee
should have received, to be his admirall, and to have safe con-
ducted him to Eome, in case he had beene elected bishop of
Rome. The partie not a little mooved with these words, told
him, he lyed. The other againe affirmed it to be true. Upon
this, great and high words rose betweene them. Which conten-
tion, although it was through intreatie of the archbishop and
other nobles somewhat pacified for the time, yet it might be,
that some bitter roote of grudge remained behinde, which after-
ward grew unto him to some displeasure. And this was, an.
1540, in the moneth of July.

After this, the next yeare following, which was 1541, in the
moneth of April, was holden a parliament, which after divers
prorogations, was continued till the moneth of July the sayd
yeare. In the which moneth of July, the lord Cromwell being
in the counsaile chamber, was sodainly apprehended, and com-
mitted to the Tower of London. Whereat, as many other good
men which knewe nothing but truth by him, did lament, and
prayed hartily for him, so moe there were on the contrary side
that rejoiced, especially of the religious sort, and of the clergy,
such as had beene in some dignitie before in the church, and
now by his meanes were put from it. For indeed, such was his
nature, that in all his doings he could not abide any kinde of
poperie, nor of false religion, creeping under hypocrisie, and lesse
could he abide the ambitious pride of popish prelacie, which pro-
fessing all humilitie, was so elated in pride, that kings could not
rule in their owne realmes for them. These snuffing prelates as
he could never abide, so they againe hated him as much, which
was the cause of shortning his dayes, and to bring him to his
ende : so that the nineteenth day of the month aforesayde, hee
was attainted by parliament.

In the which attainder 8, divers and sundrie crimes, surmises,
objections and accusations, were brought against him, but chiefly
and above all other, hee was charged and accused of heresie, for

8 In the which attainder.] The attainder may be found in Burnet's Hist, of
the Reformation, vol. i. book iii. numb. 16. Records.

288 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

that hee was a supporter of them whome they recounted for
heretickes, as Barnes, Clarke, and manie other, whome hee by liis
author! tie and letters written to shiriffes and justices in di
shires rescued and discharged out of prison. Also that he did
divulgate and disperse abroad amongest the kings subjects, <r
numbers of bookes, containing (as they sayd) manifest matter of
much heresie, diffidence, and misbeliefe. Item, that hee caused
to be translated into our english tongue, bookes comprising
matter expressly against the sacrament of the aultar; and that
after the translation thereof, he commended and maintaine-d
the same for good and Christian doctrine. Over and besides
all this, they brought in certaine witnesses (what they were,
the attainder expresseth not) which most especially pressed (or
rather oppressed) him with hainous words spoken against the
king in the church of S. Peter the poore in the moneth of Maivli.
in the thirtieth yeare of the kings raigne. Which words if they
be true, as the attainder doth purport, three things I have heere
to mervaile much at. First, if his adversaries had so sure hold
and matter against him, then what should moove them to make
such hastie speede in all post haste to have him dispatched and
rid out of the way, and in no case could abide him to come to
his purgation9? which if he might have done, it is not other\\i»
to be thought, but hee would easily have cleered himselfe ther* «»f.

Secondly, this I marvell, that if the wordes had beene so
hainous against the king, as his enemies did pretend, why then
did those witnesses which heard those words in S. Peters church.
in the thirtieth yeare of the kings raigne, conceale the >;i\<l
wordes of such treason so long, the space almost of two ye,
and now uttered the same in the thirty-second yeare of tin-
kings raigne, in the moneth of July ?

Thirdly, here is again to be marvelled, if the king had knounc
or beleeved these words to be true, and that Cromwell had 1
indeede such a traytor to his person, why then did tin ki
shortly after lament his death, wishing to have his Cromwell aim-

9 To come to his purgation.] "In parliament he is accused of trni>on and
heresy, and unheard is attained. Some do observe that he procured that law
of attainting hy parliament, without hearing the party, and that himself was
the first that by that law died unheard; for in July following he was :
upon beheaded." — Sir II. Spchnan De non temerandis Ecclesiis, \
1704. But see Fuller's Church Hist. cent. 16, p. 234, and Collier's Eccl
vol. ii. p. 180.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 289

againe ? What prince will wish the life of him whome he sus-
pecteth undoubtedly to be a traytor to his life and person?
whereby it may appeare what judgment the king had of Cromwell
in himselfe, howsoever the parliament by sinister information was
otherwise incensed to judge upon him.

Not that I heere speake or meane against the high court of
parliament of this our realm necessarily assembled for the common
wealth, to whome I alwayes attribute their due reverence and
authoritie. But as it hapneth sometimes in generall councels,
which though they be never so generall, yet notwithstanding
sometimes they may and do erre in weightie matters of religion :
so likewise they that say, that princes and parliaments may be
misinformed sometimes, by some sinister heads, in matters civil
and politike, do not therein derogate or empaire the high estate
of parliaments, but rather give wholesome admonition to princes
and parliament men, to be more circumspect and vigilant what
counsell they shall admit, and what witnesses they do credit.
For private affection, which commonly beareth a great stroke in
all societies and doings of men, creepeth sometimes into such
generall counsels, and into princes courts also, either too much
amplifying thinges, that bee but small, making mountaines of
molehils, or else too much extenuating things that bee of them-
selves great and waightie, according as it is truely sayd of the
poet Juvenal (ii. 63) ;

" Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas,"

Or as our Englishe proverbe sheweth ; "as a man is friended,
so is his matter ended :" and " where the hedge is lowe, a man
may lightly make large leapes :" or rather to speake after the
French phrase : Qui son chien veult tuer, la rage luy met sus.
That is ; " He that is disposed to have his dog killed, first
maketh men beleeve that he is mad."— And thus much having
declared touching the matter of his accusation, the rest I referre
to the high parliament of that mightie king, who shall one day
bring all things to perfect light.

In the mean season, howsoever the cause of the lord Crom-
well standeth true or false, this is certaine, that Steven Gardiner
lacked not an head, nor yet privie assisters, which cunningly
could fetch this matter about, and watch their time, when as the
king being disposed to marrie another wife, which was the lady
Katherine Howard, immediately after the beheading of the lord

VOL. ii. u

•290 CROMWELL. EARL OF ESSEX.

Cromwell, did repudiate lady Anne of Clove, which otherm

to be thought during the life of Cromwell, could not so well he

brought to passe.

I Jut these things being now done and past, let us passe them
over and returne again to the lord Cromwell, being now attainted
and committed to the Tower. Who so long as hee went with
full sayle of fortune, how moderately, and how temperately hee
did ever beare himselfe in his estate, before hath beene declared .
so now the sayd lord Cromwell, alwayes one man. by the
trarie winde of adversitie being overblowen, received the same
with no lesse constancie, and patience of a Christian hart. Neither
yet was he so unprovided of counsaile and forecast, but that hee
did foresee this tempest long before it fell, and also prepared for
the same: for two yeares before, smelling the conspiracie of
his adversaries, and fearing what might happen, he called imt<>
him his servants, and there shewing unto them in what a slipperie
state he stoode, and also perceiving somestormie weather air-
to gather, required them to looke diligently to their order and
doings, least through their default any occasion might
against him. And furthermore, before the time of his a]
hension, such order he tooke for his servants, that many of them.
especially the younger brethren, which had little els to take unto.
had honestly left for them in their friends hands to relieve tin in.
whatsoever should him befall.

Briefly, such a loving and kinde master he was to his servant^.
that he provided aforehand almost for them all : in so much, that
he gave to twelve children which were his musitians. twentie
pound a poece, and so committed them to their friend-
whome some yet remaine alive, who both enjoyed the s.
a l-o gave record of this to be true.

Furthermore, being in the Tower a rrisoner. how qi;
bare it, how valiantly he behaved himselfe, how gravely and
cretly he aunswered and entertained the commissioners -. m unto
him. it is worthie of noting. Whatsoever article^ and ii

'ories thev propounded, they could put nothing unto him.
either concerning matters ecclesiastical! or temporall, wherein he

not more ripened, and more furnished in everie condi
than they thomsel\e~.

Amongst the rest of those commissioners vvhich came ui
him: one there was, whome the lord Cromuell desired to -
from him a letter to tin- king, which when he refused.

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 291

that he would cary no letter to the king from a traytor ;
then the lord Cromwell desired him at least to do from him a
message to the king. So that the other was contented, and
o-nuinted, so that it were not against his allegeance. Then the
lord Cromwell taking witnesse of the other lords, what hee had
promised ; " You shall commend mee (sayd he) to the king, and
tell him, by that he hath so well tryed, and thoroughly prooved
you as I have done, he shall finde you as false a man as ever
came about him/'

Besides this, he wrote also a letter from the Tower l to the king,
whereof when none durst take the cariage upon him, Sir Ralfe
Sadler (whome he also had preferred to the king before, being
ever trustie and faithfull unto him) went to the king to under-
stand his pleasure, whether he would permit him to bring the
letter or not. Which when the king had graunted, the sayd M.
Sadler, as he was required, presented the letter unto the king,
which he commanded thrise to bee read unto him, in so much as
the king seemed to be moved therewith.

Notwithstanding, by reason of the acte of parliament afore
passed, the worthie and noble lord Cromwell oppressed by his
enemies, and condemned in the Tower, and not comming to his
answere, the 28. day of July, an. 1540, was brought to the
scaffold 2 on Tower hill, where he sayd these words following.

1 Letter from the Tower.] Bishop Burnet, in his History of the Reformation,
has published two letters from Cromwell to the king, both written from the
Tower; the one, which seems to have been first written, in vol. iii. b. iii.
No 68. Appendix ; the other, dated " the last of June," in vol. i. book iii.
No. 17.

2 Brouf/fit to the scaffold, ,] " Wherein is to be noted how mightily the Lord
worked with his grace and fortitude in the hearts of his servants, especially
in such which causelesse suffer with guiltlesse conscience for his religions
sake, above other, which suffer otherwise for their desertes. For whereas
they that suffer as malefactors, commonlie are wont to goe heavie and pensive
to their death, so the other with heavenlie allacrity and chearfulnesse doe
abide whatsoever it pleaseth the Lord to lay upon them. Example whereof
we have right well to note not onelie in these three godlie martyrs above
mentioned,4but also in the lord Cromwell, who suffered but two dayes before,
the same no lesse may appeare ; who although he was brought to his death,
attainted and condemned by the parliament, yet what a guiltlesse conscience
he bare to his death, his Christian patience well declareth.

" Who first calling for his breakfast, and therewith eating the same, and
after that passing out of his prison, downe the hill within the Tower, and
meeting there by the way the lord Hungerford, going likewise to his execution

u 2

292 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

44 1 am come hither to die, and not to purge my selfe, a
thinke perad venture that I will. For if I should so do, 1 \\
very wretch and a miser. I am by the law condemned to die. and
thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine
offence. For sithence the time that I have had yeares of <li
tion, I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the
which I aske him heartily forgivenes. And it is not unkn*<
to many of you, that I have beene a great traveller in thi.^ world:
and being but of a base degree, was called to high estate, and
sithence the time I came thereunto, I have offended my prince.
for the which I aske him hartily forgivnes, and beseech you all
pray to God with mee, that he will forgive me. And now 1 pray
you that be heere, to beare me record, I die in the cathohVke
faith, not doubting in any article of my faith, no nor doubting in
any sacrament of the church. Manie have slaundered me. and
reported that I have beene a bearer of such as have maintained
evill opinions, which is untrue. But I confesse, that like a- <;<><!
by his Holy Spirit doth instruct us in the truth, so the devill is
ready to seduce us, and I have beene seduced, but beare me \vit-
nesse that I die in the catholieke faith3 of the holy church. And

(who for matter not here to be spoken of, was there also imprisoned), and
perceiving him to be all heavy and doleful, with chearful countenance and
comfortable words, asking him why he was so heavy, hee willed him to pluck
up his heart, and to bee of good comfort : for, sayd he, there is no cause for
you to feare. For if you repent and be heartilie sorie for that you have done,
there is for you mercie enough of the Lord, who for Christe's sake will for-
give you : and therefore be not dismaid; and though the breakfast wh'n
are going to be sharpe, yet trusting in the mercie of the Lord, we shall
ajoyfull dinner. And so went they together to the place of execution
toke their death patientlie."— Fox's Acts, p. 1095.

3 / die in the catholieke faith.] "The general terms wherein this spee
couched" (says Fuller) "have given occasion for wise men to give con
judgments thereof" Cent. 16. p. 233. Accordingly Burnet remarks,
what he spake at his death, he left it much doubted of what religion h<
But " (continues the bishop) " it is certain he was a Lutheran. The
catholick faith used by him in his last speech, seemed to make it doubtful ;
but that was then used in England, in its true sense, in opposition t
novelties of the see of Rome : so that his profession of the catholic faith was
strangely perverted, when some from thence concluded, that he dud .
communion of the church of Rome." — Hist, of the Reformation, vol. i. j>
edit. 4. On the other hand, Collier having these observations of 1
Burnet in his eye, says, " I readily grant, Cromwell was no papist a
death : but then, it is pretty plain, he was no protestant neither .... It is
evident, that he died in the communion of the then church of Kngland; that

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 293

I hartily desire you to pray for the kings grace, that hee may long
live with you in health and prosperitie : and that after him his
sonne prince Edward, that goodly impe, may long raigne over you.
And once againe I desire you to praie for me, that so long as life
remaineth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith." And so
making his praier, kneeling on his knees 4, he spake these words,
the effect whereof heere followeth.

" 0 Lord Jesu, which art the onely health of all men living,
and the everlasting life of them which die in thee : I wretched
sinner do submit my self wholly unto thy most blessed wil, and
being sure that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto
thy mercy, willingly now I leave this fraile and wicked flesh, in
sure hope, that thou wilt in better wise restore it to me againe at
the last day in the resurrection of the just. I beseech thee most
mercifull Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt by thy grace make
strong my soule against all temptations, and defend me with the

is, in the religion professed by king Henry the VIII." — Ecclesiast. Hist. vol.
ii. p. 181.

It appears that the rumour of Cromwell's having made a recantation at the
scaffold, had spread rapidly over the Continent. Cardinal Pole, in a letter to
Ludovico Beccatelli, dated Viterbo, Sept. 11, refers to this report; but it is
material to observe, that he was of opinion, that the joy with which it had
been received by the Catholics was premature. " Vereor " (says he) " ne
frustra cum reverendissima dominatione vestra per literas de Cromvelli resi-
piscentia sim gratulatus ; nee enim quae typis sunt excusa, quae ad me missa
sunt, in quibus novissima ejus verba recitantur, talem animum mihi exprimunt,
qualem eorum narratio, qui de ejus exitu, et de extremis verbis mecum sunt
loquuti. Sed horum judicium penes Christum sit, cui nota sunt abscondita
cordis, et secundum ilia judicabit." — Poli EpistoL, vol. iii. p. 62. Brixise, 1748,
4to; comp. Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. H7.

4 On his knees.'] The Harleian MS. 3362, has a copy of the "Last Words
of Thomas Crumwell, Earl of Essex/' which reads thus, omitting the prayer in

Fox's account: — " and then kneeled he adowne and saide his prayeres,

in the which prayeres were contayned thys wordes : ' O Lord, grant me that
when that these eyes lose their use that the eyes of my soule may see the/ and
said, * O Lord and Father, when thys mouth shall lose his use that my hart
may say, 0 pater, in manus tuas commendo spiritum meumj' and after thys
prayer he stodde uppe agayne and said, ' Pray for the prince, and for alle
the lordes of the cowncelle, and for the clergye, and for the commynaltie, and
nowe I pray you alle ageyne, that ye wille pray for me.' And then he turnyd
hym abowte and sayde, ' Farewelle, Wyat!' and ' Gentylle Wyat ! pray for
me ! ' Thys was done the xxviii. day of the month of July, in the yere of
our Lord God MDxl. in the xxxvj yere of our soveraigne Lord Kvnge
Henry."

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devill. !
and acknowledge that there is in my self no hope of salvation, but
all my confidence, hope and trust, is in thy most mercifull good-
lies. I have no merits nor good works which I may all
before thee. Of sinnes and evill workes (alas) I see a givat
heape : but yet thorough thy mercy, I trust to be in the number
of them to whome thou wilt not impute their sinnes ; but wilt
take and accept me for righteous and just, and to bee the inhe-
ritour of everlasting life. Thou mercifull Lord wast borne for my
sake, thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake : thou
didst teach, pray, and fast for my sake : all thy holy actions and
workes thou wroughtest for my sake : thou suffredst most uri.
paines and torments for my sake : finally, thou gavest thy most
precious body and thy bloud to be shed on the crosse for my -
Now most mercifull Savior, let all these things profit me. that
thou freely hast done for me; which hast given thy selfe also for
me. Let thy bloud cleanse and washe away the spots and foul< n« «
of my sinnes. Let thy righteousnes hide and cover my unrighte-
ousnes. Let the merites of thy passion and bloiidshodim
satisfaction for my sinnes. Give me Lord thy grace, that the
faith of my salvation in thy bloud waver not in me, but may
be firme and constant ; that the hope of thy mercy and life <
lasting never decay in me ; that love waxe not cold in me : fin all \ .
that the weaknes of my flesh be not overcome with the fear
death. Grant mee mercifull Saviour, that when death hath shut
up the eies of my body, yet the eyes of iny soule may still behold
and look upon thee ; and when death hath taken away the use
of my tongue, yet my heart may crie and say unto thee, Lord
into thy hands I commend my soule, Lord Jesu receive my spirit.
Amen."

And thus his prayer made, after he had godly and lovingly
exhorted them that were about him on the scaffold, he quietly
committed his soule into the hands of God, and so patiently suf-
fered the stroke of the axe, by a ragged and butcherly m
which verie ungodly performed the office 5.

6 Performed the office.] As we have done elsewhere, we will now
few memorabilia from other quarters.

"Great scholar he was none, the Latin Testament gotten by heart 1
his master-piece: nor studied lawyer, never admitted to the inn^
nor rxpiTM-nri-d snMirr, though necessity cast him upon it ; nor rourtii
bred up in Cardinal Wolsey's court : yet that of the lawyer in him

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 295

Of the Bible in English printed in the large volume, and of Edmund
Boner preferred to the lishopriJce of London, by the meanes of the
Lord Cromwell.

About the time and yeare when Edmund Boner bishop of
Hereford, and ambassadour resident in France, began first to be
nominate and preferred by the meanes of the lord Cromwell to
the bishoprike of London ; which was anno 1540, it happened
that the said Thomas lord Cromwell and erle of Essex procured
of the king of England his gracious letters to the French king,

the scholar, that of the soldier the lawyer, that of the courtier the soldier,
and that of the traveller all the rest ; being no stranger to Germany, well
acquainted with France, most familiar with Italy ; — that the result of all
together made him for endowments eminent, not to say admirable. His
apprehension was quick and clear ; his judgment methodical and solid ; his
memory strong and rational ; his tongue fluent and pertinent ; his presence
stately and obliging ; his heart large and noble ; his temper patient and
cautious ; his way industrious and indefatigable ; his correspondence well
laid and constant ; his converse insinuating and close. None more dex-
terous to find out by his setting dogs and decoy-ducks, none more reserved
to keep a secret. He was equal, saith my author, to the French politicians,
when under his master ; he over-reached them, when alone : doing more in one
month with his subtle head than the other in twelve months with his stately
train." — Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 58.

" He used to answer those that applauded his service in the Reformation,
that if he should arrogate to himself any part in that revolution of Providence,
he should be like the flie on the cart-wheel, that said, What a dust do I raise!"
Ibid. p. 65.

" The times are troublesome, but Cromwell calm and quiet, and watchful
over occurrences. He takes down the occasions and ornaments of idolatry,
i. e. images, shrines, pilgrimages, &c., and then the thing itself : Take off' the
paint of Rome, and you undo her." P. 65, 66.

" Some reserved men's parts he compared to meat in a great Colchester
oyster, which would hardly requite the pains of opening : but infinitely was
he taken with those who were, as he called them, like the statues of Apollo,
had a lance in one hand, and a harp in another : that is, resolution to awe on
the one side, and sweetness to oblige on the other ; being much pleased like-
wise with the reflecting man, who needs not the dull way of Persia to keep a
boy behind him, to bid him remember what he is, and what he ought to do ;
and with the devout courtier. For, as the enamel which adorneth the dove's
neck, never shines so clear and glorious as when the sun looks upon it ; so,
great men are never so full of majesty themselves, as when they own the
majesty of God; never more gods among men, than when humble men before
God : who, as St. Lewis of France once said, boweth the hearts of men to a
subjection to them, who kneel in adoration to Him." P. 67.

296 CROMWELL. EARL OF ESSEX.

to permit and licence a subject of his to imprint the bible in
english within the universitie of Paris, because paper was t >
more meete and apt to bee had for the doing thereof, than in the
realme of England, and also that there were more store of good
workmen for the readie dispatch of the same. And in like man-
ner at the same time the said king wrote unto his ambassadour.
who then was Edmund Boner bishop of Hereford, lying in Park
that he should ayde and assist the doers theereof in all their reason-
able suites. The which bishop outwardly shewed great friendship
to the merchants that were the imprinters of the same, and nun-. -
over did divers and sundrie times call and command the sayd per-
sons to bee in manner daily at his table, both dinner and supprr.
and so much rejoyced in the workmanship of the sayd bible, that
he himself e would visit the imprinters house where the sun
bibles were printed, and also would take part of such dinner
the Englishmen there had, and that to his cost, which, as it seemed.
he little wayed. And further, the saide Boner was so fen
that he caused the said Englishmen to put in print a new T
ment in english and latine, and himselfe tooke a great many of
them, and payd for them, and gave them to his friends. And it
chaunced the meane time, while the sayd bible was in printing,
that king Henry the 8. preferred the said Boner from the said
bishopricke of Hereford, to be bishoppe of London, at which i
the said Boner according to the statute law of England, tooke hi>
othe to the king, knowledging his supremacie, and called OD
the aforesaid Englishmen that printed the bible, whome he then
loved, although afterward upon the change of the world he did
hate him as much, whose name was Richard (< raft-on ; to \\1.
the sayd Boner said when he took his othe, ••maister Grat't<>
it is, that the kings most excellent majestic hath by his
gift presented nice to the bishopricke of London, for the which I
am sorry, for if it would have pleased his grace, I could h,
well content to have kept mine olde bishopricke of Hereford.*
Then said Grafton, kt I am right glad to heare of it, and so I am
sure will be a great number of the citie of London : for the\
knowe you not, yet they have heard >o much goodnes of yon from
hence, as no doubt they will hartily rejoice of your placing.11 T
said Boner, u 1 prav (MM! 1 may do that may content them ;
to tell you M. (i raft on, before (iod (tor that was common! \
• •the) the greatest fault that I ever found in Stoke>lr\. was
and troubling of poore men. as LoMe\ the lunik. In:

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. 297

and other, for having the scripture in English, and God willing
he did not so much hinder it, but I will as much further it : and
I will have of your bibles set up in the church of Paules 6, at the
least in sundry places six of them ; and I will pay you honestly
for them and give you hartie thankes." Which words hee then
spake in the hearing of divers credible persons, as Edmund Stile
grocer, and other. " But now M. Grafton at this time I have
specially called you to be a witnesse with me that upon this trans-
lation of bishops sees, I must according to the statute take an
othe 7 unto the kings majestie knowledging his supreamacy, which

6 In the church of Paules^] " Which also at his coming home, he performed,
according to the king's proclamation set forth for the same.

" The bibles thus standing in Paules by the commandement of the king,
and the appointment of Bonner the bishop, manie well disposed people used
much to resort to the hearing thereof, especiallie when they could get any that
had an audible voice to read unto them, misdoubting therein no danger to-
ward them; and no more there was; so long as the daies of Cromwell lasted."
Fox's Acts, p. 1101. Another zealous reformer has given a very unfavour-
able interpretation of Bonner's designs in the whole of this transaction. " He
first set up bybles in Paules, not purposyng any christen erudicyon to the
people, but as snares to catch them by. For immediately after, he set up a
commaundement that God should give place unto the pope, and Christ unto
anti-Christ. 'There shall be no readying ' (sayth he) 'for the tyme of God's
service.' As though their vayne, idle and blasphemous superstitions were
only Gods service, and the byble readying no part thereof, but a very pro-
phane thing. Upon thys polycie did he set them up there, to knowe whych
were the busy byble men of London, that he might speak with them at lay-
sure. For he had his spyes evermore, and hys Judases there at hand. Some
hath already proved it, and also payde the harde pryce thereof. So that they
which at his first commyng held up their handes unto God for their good
byshop, doth nowe holde downe their heades, and can saye, that sathan hath
shewed himself for all hys angelyk face." Yet a course at the Romyshefoxe,
A disclosing or openynge of the Manne of Synne fyc. by Johan Harryson (i. e.
John Bale), fol. 93. A.D. 1543, printed at Zurick.

7 Take an othe.~] The oath taken by Bonner is printed in Wilkins's Condi.,
vol. iii. p. 781, and in other places.

" Post electionis confirmationem, pessimo (quod tamen passim obtinuit ab
anno 1535 ad ann. 1553) exemplo, commissionem quam vocant seu licentiam
episcopatum Londinensem administrandi a rege suscepit, 1539 Novemb. 12.
in qua agnoscitur omnem jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam a Rege tanquam ab
unico fonte oriri, et ipsum regis tantummodo vicarium esse : atque his prae-
cipue verbis diplomatis vis compingitur. * Tibi vices nostras committimus,
teque licentiandum esse decernimus, ad ordinandum infra diocesin tuam
Londinensem &c., vice, nomine, et auctoritate nostris &c. per presentes ad
nostri bene placiti voluntatem duntaxat duraturas.' " Wharton De Episcopis
et Decanis Londinensibus, p. 194. Compare also Wilkins's Condi., vol. iii.

208 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

before God I take with my heart, and so thinke him to lie. and
beseech almightie God to save him, and long to prosper his o-nu-r.
Holde the booke sirah, and reade you the othe" (said In
one of his chaplcins, and he laide his hand on the booke and
tooke his othe. And after this he shewed great friendship to
the said Grafton, and to his partener Edward Whitchurch, hut
especially to Miles Coverdale, who was the corrector of the n
bible.

Now after that the foresaid letters were delivered, the French
king gave very good wordes, and was well content to penni
doing thereof. And so the printer went forward and printed
forth the booke even to the last part ; and then was the <jnanvl
picked to the printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors
the faith, and there charged with certain articles of heresie. Then
were sent for the Englishmen that were at the coste and cli.
thereof, and also such as had the correction of the same, which
was Miles Coverdale: but having some warning what would
follow, the said Englishmen posted away as fast as they could
to save themselves, leaving behind them all their bibles, which
were the number of two thousand five hundred, called the bibles
of the great volume, and never recovered any of them, saving that
the lieutenant criminall having them delivered unto him to burne
in a place of Paris (like Smithfield) called Maulbert place, ua>
somewhat moved with covetousnesse, and sold foure great drie
fats of them to a haberdasher to lap caps in, and those wen-
bought againe, but the rest were burned, to the great and im-
portunate losse of those that bare the charge of them. Hut not-
withstanding the said losse, after they had recovered some j
of the foresaid bookes, and were comforted and encoura^ d li\
the lord Cromwell, the said Englishmen went againe to 1'ark
and there got the presses, letters, and servants of the foresaid
printer, and brought them to London, and there they beci
printers themselves (which before they never intended) and
printed out the said bible9 in London, and after that printed

p. 797 — 9, and p. 810; and Harmer's Specimen of Errors, &c. p. ^l — 3,
who shows, in opposition to Burnet, that such a licence was accepted, evi
Cranmer in October, 1535. See also Wharton in Appendix t
of Cranmer, p. 259.

8 Sent for to the inquisitor sJ] The order of the inquisition was <1
17, l.VJ'v Lewis's Histor. Account of English Trnnslutinns, p. 121.

9 Printed out the said bible.] This was the bible commonly called (

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. :><)<)

sundry impressions of them : but yet not without great trouble
and losse, for the hatred of the bishops, namely Steven Gardiner,
and his fellowes, who mightily did stomacke and maligne the
printing thereof.

Here by the way, for the more direction of the story, thou hast,
loving reader, to note and understand that in those daies there
were two sundry bibles in English, printed and set forth, bearing-
divers titles, and printed in divers places. The first was called
Thomas Mathews bible, printed at Hambrough, about the yeare l
of our Lord 1532, the corrector of which print was then John
Eogers, of whom ye shall heare more, Christ willing, hereafter.
The printers were Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch. In the
translation of this bible, the greatest doer was indeed William
Tindall, who with the helpe of Miles Coverdale had translated all
the bookes thereof, except only the apocripha, and certaine notes
in the margent which were added after. But because the said
William Tindall in the mean time was apprehended before this
bible was fully perfected, it was thought good to them which had
the doing thereof, to change the name of William Tindall, because
that name then was odious, and to further it by a strange name
of Thomas Mathew, John Rogers the same time being corrector
to the print, who had then translated the residue of the apocripha,
and added also certaine notes thereto in the margent, and thereof

or the great bible. The title was as follows : " The byble in Englyshe, that
is to say the content of all the holy scripture bothe of the olde and newe Tes-
tament, truly translated after the veryte of the Hebrue and Greke textes by
the dylygent studye of dyverse excellent learned men, expert in the forsayde
tonges.

" Prynted by Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch, cum privilegio ad
imprimendum solum, 1539." A correct description of this translation, with
many particulars respecting its history, may be found in Lewis's History of
the Translations of the Bible, edit. 1739, p. 119—29-

1 About the yeareJ] The year was 1537.

This was the second time in which the whole bible was printed in English ;
the first copy (commonly called Coverdale's) being printed in 1535, of which
some mention was made above in the Life of Tindal. The title-page of this
second edition was as follows. "The Byble, which is all the Holy Scripture,
in which are contayned the Olde and Newe Testament, truely and purely
translated into Englysh. By Thomas Matthewe.

"Esaye 1. Hearken to ye Heavens, and thou earth geave eare : for the
Lorde speaketh. 1537.

" Set forth with the King's most gracyous lycence."

See Lewis's History, p. 105 — 112.

300 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

came it to be called Thomas Mathewes bible. Which bible ot
Thomas Mathew, after it was imprinted and presented to the
lord Cromwell, and the lord Cranmer archbishop of Canturbnrx .
who liked very well of it, the said Cromwell presented it to the
king, and obtained that the same might freely passe to be read ot
his subjects with his graces licence : so that there was printed
upon the same booke, one line in red letters with these won
Setfoorth with the Kings most gratious licence.

The setting forth of this booke did not a little offend the clergie,
namely the bishops aforesaid, both for the prologues, and specially
because in the same booke was one speciall table collected of the
common places in the bible, and the scriptures for the approbation
of the same, and chiefely about the supper of the Lord and mar
of priests, and the masse which there was said not to be found in
the scripture.

Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresaid bible of M at hew.
another bible began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540 2. Which was
called the bible of the large volume. The printers whereof \
the foresaid Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch which ban
charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. The
chiefest overseer was Miles Coverdale, who taking the translation
of Tindal, conferred the same with the Hebrue, and amended
many things.

In this bible although the former notes of Thomas Mathew
were omitted, yet sundry marks and hands were annexed in the
sides, which ment that in those places should be made certaine
notes ; wherewith also the clergy was offended, though the notes
were not made.

After this the bishops bringing their purpose to pass, brought
the lord Cromwell out of favour, and shortly to his death : and
not long after, great complaint was made to the king, of the ti
lation of the bible, and of the preface of the same, and then
the sale of the bible commanded to be staied3, the bishops pn.-

2 At Paris, an. 1540.] Rather, in the year 1538. For the mandate of the
inquisition, directing the seizure of this Paris edition, was dated, as we men-
tioned before, Dec. 17, 1538, and the London edition, which was built ii] on
it, came out in 1 539.

3 Commanded to be stated.'] By the act of parliament, A.D
commanded, "that all manner of bokes of the olde and i

in Kn^li^h of Tindal's translation, .should be utterly abolished, cMin^u:
:md forbidden." It \vus also enacted, that " alter the first day

CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX. SOI

mising to mend and correct it, but never performing the same * :
Then Grafton was called, and first charged with the printing of
Mathews bible, but hee being fearefull of trouble, made excuses
for himselfe, in all things. Then was hee examined of the great
bible, and what notes he was purposed to make. To which he
answered, that hee knew none. For his purpose was to have
retained learned men to have made the notes ; but when hee per-
ceived the kings majesty, and his cleargy not willing to have any,
hee proceeded no further. But for all these excuses, Grafton
was sent to the Fleet, and there remained six weekes, and before
he came out, was bound in three hundred pounds that he should
neither sell, nor imprint, or cause to be imprinted any mo bibles,
untill the king and the clergie should agree upon a translation.
And thus was the bible from that time staid, during the raigne of
king Henry the eight.

But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the imprinters
had lost their bibles, they continued suitors to Boner, as is afore-
said, to bee a meane for to obtaine of the French king their books
againe : but so long they continued suitors, and Boner ever fed
them with faire wordes, promising them much, but did nothing
for them, till at the last Boner was discharged of his ambassade,
and returned home, where hee was right joyfully welcomed home

next ensuing, no person should take upon him to read openly to others in any
church or public assembly, the bible or any part of scripture in English,
unless by special appointment of the king, or by any ordinary. Provided
that the chauncellor of England, capitaines of the warres, the king's justices,
the recorders of any city, borough, or town, the speaker of the parliament,
&c. which heretofore have been accustomed to declare or teache any good,
virtuous, or godly exhortations in anie assemblies, may use anie part of the
bible or holie Scripture, as they have been wont : and that every nobleman
and gentleman, being a householder, may read, or cause to be read by anie of
his familie servants in his house, orchardes, or garden, and to his owne familie
any text of the bible or new testament : and also every merchant-man being
a householder, and other persons, other than women, prentices, &c. might
read to themselves privately the bible, &c. But no woman, except noble-
women and gentlewomen, who might read to themselves alone, and not to
others any textes of the bible &c., nor artificers, prentices, journeymen, serv-
ing men, of the degrees of yeomen or under, husbandmen, nor labourers,
were to read the bible or new testament in Englishe, to himself or to any
other, privately or openly, upon paine of one month's imprisonment." See
Lewis's History, p. 14Q.

4 Never performing the same ] See Lewis's History of Translations, p.
144—8.

302 CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

by the lord Cromwell, who loved him dearely, and had a mar-
vellous good opinion of him. And so long as Cromwell remained
in authoritie, so long was Boner at his becke, and friend to his
friendes, and enemy to his enemies: as namely, at that time to
Gardiner bishop of Winchester, who never favoured Crmmvdl;
and therefore Boner could not favour him, but that he and Win-
chester were the greatest enemies that might bee. But so s<
as Cromwell fell, immediately Boner and Winchester pretended
to bee the greatest men that lived, and no good worde could
Boner speake of Cromwell, but the lewdest, vilest, and bitt
that hee could speake, calling him the rankest hereticke that
lived ; and then such as the said Boner knew to bee in good favour
with Cromwell, he could never abide their sight. Insomuch as
the next day after that Cromwell was apprehended, the above
named Grafton, who had beene very familiar with Boner, UK t
with the said Boner sodenly, and said unto him, that hee wa*
sorie to heare of the newes that then was abroad. " Wha?
they?" (said he.) " Of the apprehension of the L. Cromwell."
said Grafton. " Are ye sorie for that 2 (said he.) It had 1><
good that he had beene dispatched long agoe." With that Graf-
ton looked upon him and knew not what to say, but came no more
to Boner. Howbeit afterward the said Grafton being charged for
the imprinting of a ballet made in the favour of Cromwell, un-
called before the councell, where Boner was present, and there
Boner charged him with the wordes that hee spake to him of
Cromwell, and told out a great long tale. But the lord A wdel.-v.
who then was lord chancellour, right discreetly and honorably, nit
off' the matter, and entered into other talke.

JOHN ROGERS.

To burne mee, or to destroy mee, cannot so greatly profit them. For
when I am dead, the sunne, and the moone, the starres and the element,
water and fire, yea, and also stones, shall defende this cause agaynst them,
rather than the veritie should perishe.

DOCTOR ROBERT BARN

Go to, therefore, my dear hearts in the Lord ; waver not in Christ's reli-
gion, truly taught you and set forth in king Edward's days. Never shall the
enemies be able to burn it, to prison it, and keep it in bonds. If they may
prison, they may bind and burn, as they do and will do, so long as shall
please the Lord ; — but our cause, religion, and doctrine, which we confess,
they shall never be able to vanquish and put away.

JOHN BRADFORD.

JOHN ROGERS.

JOHN ROGERS brought up in the university of Cambridge, where
he profitably travailed in good learning, at the length was chosen
and called by the marchants adventurers to be their chaplen at
Antwerpe in Brabant, whom hee served to their good contenta-
tion manie years. It chanced him there to fall in company with
that worthy servant and martyr of God William Tindall, and
with Miles Coverdale, which both, for the hatred they bare to
popish superstition and idolatry, and love to true religion, had
forsaken their native country. In conferring with them the
scriptures hee came to great knowledge in the gospell of God, in
so much that he cast off the heavie yoke of poperie, and joyned
himselfe with them two in that painefull and most profitable
labor of translating the Bible into the English tongue, which is
intituled \ the translation of Thomas Mathew.

Hee knowing by the scriptures, that unlawfull vowes2 may
lawfully be broken, and that matrimonie is both honest and
honourable amongst all men, joyned himselfe in lawfull matri-
monie, and so went to Wittemberge in Saxonie, where he with
much sobernesse of living did not onelie greatlie increase in
all good and godly learning, but also so much profited in the
knowledge of the Dutch 3 tongue, that the charge of a congrega-
tion was orderly committed to his cure.

1 Which is intituled.'] See Life of Cromwell, p. 299, note.

2 Unlawfull vowes.'] This kind of expression, in the present case, is unneces-
sary, or more properly, it is incorrect. It does not appear that Rogers had
been a monk, and therefore he was no votary. This point of distinction
between the regular and the secular clergy will be set right in the course of
this account of Rogers by a valuable note from H. Wharton.

3 Dutch.'] i. e. German (Deutsch}.

VOL. II. X

306 JOHN ROGERS.

In which ministrie, he diligently and faithfully served many
yeares, untill such time as it pleased God by the faithfull traveU
of his chosen and deare servant king Edward the sixt, utterly t«>
banish all popery forth of England, and to receive in true reli-
gion, setting Gods gospell at libertie. He then being orderly
called, having both a conscience and a ready good will to helpe
forward the worke of the Lord in his native countrey, left
honest and certaine conditions as he had in Saxonie, and <
into England to preach the gospell, without certaintie of any
condition. In which office, after he had a space diligently and
faithfully travelled, Nicholas Ridley, then bishop of London.
him a prebend in the cathedrall church of Paules, and the d
and the chapter chose him to be the Reader of the Divinitie
lesson there, wherein he diligently travelled, untill such tin:
queene Marie obtaining the crowne, banished the gospell and
true religion, and brought in the antichrist of Rome, with his
idolatrie and superstition.

After the queen was come to the Tower * of London, he being
orderly called thereunto, made a godly and vehement sernn
Paules Crosse, confirming such true doctrine as hee and other
had there taught in king Edwardes dayes, exhorting the people
constantly to remaine in the same, and to beware of all pestilent
poperie, idolatrie, and superstition. The councell being then
overmatched with popish and bloudie bishops called hin
account for his sermon: to whom he made a stout, wittie
godly answere, and yet in such sort handled himselfe. tli,
that time hee was cleerely dismissed.

But after that proclamation5 was set forth by the queen

4 Come to the Tower.'] "The third of August (1553) was the splendid day
on which the queen came riding to London, and so to the Tower ; making
her entrance at Aldgate." Strype's Eccles. Memorials, vol. iii. p. 17. 1
Acts, p. 1280. The sermon which gave offence seems to have been prc
on Sunday the 6th of that month. In that sermon, according to Fox, "he
intreated very learnedlie upon the gospell of the same day." Acts, p. 1280.

6 After that proclamation.'] This proclamation maybe seen in I
p. 1280. It bears date Aug. 18. The confinement of Rogers to his i
began two days before, as appears by the minutes of the priv
"August 16th. John Rogers, alias Matthewe, a sediciouse preacher, on
by the lords of the counsaill to kepe himself as prisoner in his h<>\
Powles, without conference of any personne, other than suche as are daylie
with him in householde, untill suche time as he hath contrarie commauml-
ment." Haynes's State Papers of Lord Burghley, p. l 7"

JOHN ROGERS. 807

prohibite true preaching, he was called againe before the coun-
cell, (for the bishops thirsted after his bloud.) The councell
quarrelled with him concerning his doctrine, and in conclusion
commanded him as prisoner to keepe his owne house ; and so he
did : although by flying he might easily have escaped their cruell
hands ; and many thinges there were, which might have mooved
him thereunto. Hee did see the recovery of religion in England
for that present, desperate ; he knew hee could not want a living
in Germanie ; and he could not forget his wife and ten children,
and to seeke meanes to succour them. But all these things set
apart, after he was called to answere in Christs cause, he would
not depart, but stoutly stood in defence of the same, and for the
triall of that truth, was content to hazard his life.

Thus hee remained in his owne house as prisoner a long time,
till at the length through the uncharitable procurement of Boner
bishoppe of London, who could not abide such honest neighbours
to dwell by him, hee was removed from his owne house, to the
prison called Newgate, where he was lodged among theeves and
murtherers, for a great space : during which time, what busi-
nesse he had with the adversaries of Christ, all is not knowne,
neither yet any certaintie of his examinations, further then hee
himselfe did leave in writing ; which God would not to be lost,
but to remaine for a perpetuall testimony in the cause of Gods
truth, as here followeth recorded and testified by his owne
writing.

The Examination and Answere of John Rogers made to the Lord
Chancellor*, and to the rest of the Counsel^ the 22. of Januarie,
Anno 1555.

First the lord chancellour said unto me thus, " Sir, ye have
heard of the state of the realme in which it standeth now."

Rogers. " No my lord, I have beene kept in close prison, and
except there have beene some generall thing saide at the table
when I was at dinner or supper, I have heard nothing : and there
have I heard nothing whereupon any speciall thing might be
grounded."

Then said the lord chancellor ; " Generall things, generall
things," mockingly. " Ye have heard of my lord cardinals

6 Lord Chancellor.'] Gardiner, bishop of Winchester.
x 2

308 JOHN ROGERS.

coming 7 and that the parliament hath received his blessing, not
one resisting unto it, but one man which did speake against it.
Such an unitie, and such a myracle hath not bin seen." " And
all they, of which there are eight score in one house," said one
that was by, (whose name I knowe not) " have with one assent
and consent received pardon of their offences, for the schisme that
we have had in England, in refusing the holy father of Rome to
be head of the catholike church. How say ye, are yee content
to unite and knit your selfe to the faith of the catholike church
with us, in the state in which it is now in England? Will y<-
doe that?"

Rog. " The catholicke church I never didde nor will di>-
from."

L. Chan. " Nay, but I speak of the state of the catholike
church, in that wise in which we stand now in England, h;i
received the pope to be supreame head."

Rog. " I knowe none other head but Christ of his catholike
church ; neither will I acknowledge the bishop of Rome to have
any more authoritie than any other bishop hath, by the word of
God, and by the doctrine of the olde and pure catholicke church
four hundred yeares after Christ."

L. Chan. " Why didst thou then acknowledge king Henrie
the eight, to be supreame head of the church, if Christ be the
onelie head 2"

Rog. " I never granted him to any supremacie in spirituall
things, as are the forgivenesse of sinnes, giving of the holit-
Ghost, authoritie to be a judge above the word of God."

7 My lord cardinals coming.'] Cardinal Pole landed at Dover, Nov. -21,
1554, and reached Lambeth on the 24th. Fox's Acts, p. 1341
Eccles. Mem., vol. Hi. p. 203. For a copious account of his reconciling the
parliament and realm to the pope, of the oration of cardinal Pole, the sn
of bishop Gardiner, and other proceedings connected with that transa
see Fox's Acts, p. 1341 — 5 We shall only claim a space to record the na;
the one individual who had honesty and courage to protest against this ;
pitate and degrading submission. "Nov. 28 (1554), the parliament, by an
instrument, declared their sorrow for their apostasy, and prayed the kinu
queen to intercede with the cardinal to obtain his absolution; and tl.
kneeled down and received it. Yet one, Sir Ralph Bagnal, refused to c<>~.
to this submission and said, ' He was sworn to the contrary to king 1 1
VIII. which was a worthy prince, and laboured twenty-five years
could abolish him : And to say I will agree to it, I will not.' And many
more were of the same mind, but none had the confidence to speake hu
Strype's Eccles. Memor. vol. iii. p. 201.

JOHN ROGERS. 309

" Yea," saide hee, " and Tonstall bishop of Duresme, and
Heath bishop of Worcester, if thou hadst said so in his daies
(and they nodded the head at me, with a laughter) thou hadst
not beene alive now."

Which thing I denied, and would have told how he was said
and meant 8 to be supreame head. But they looked and laughed
one upon another, and made such a businesse, that I was con-
strained to let it passe. There lieth also no great waight there-
upon : for all the world knoweth what the meaning was. The
lord chancellor also said to the lord William Howard9 that there
was no inconvenience therein, to have Christ to bee supream
head and the bishop of Borne also : and when I was readie to
have answered that there could not be two heads of one church,
and to have more plainely declared the vanitie of that his reason,
the lord chancellor said ; " what sayest thou ? make us a direct
answer, whether thou wilt be one of this catholike church, or not,
with us in that state in which we are now?"

Rog. " My lord, without faile, I cannot beleeve that ye your
selves doe thinke in your harts that he is supreame head in for-
giving of sinne, &c. (as is before said) seeing you, and all the
bishops of the realme have now twenty yeares long 10 preached

8 Said and meant.'] " Where we attribute to the king's majesty the chief
government, by which titles we understand the minds of some slanderous
folks to be offended, we give not to our princes the ministering either of God's
word, or of the sacraments, the which thing the injunctions also lately set
forth by Elizabeth our queen do most plainly testify ; but that only preroga-
tive, which we see to have been given always to godly princes in holy scrip-
tures by God himself ; that is, that they should rule all estates and degrees
committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal,
and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evildoers." Art. XXXVII.
of the Church of England. The injunctions of queen Elizabeth, A.D. 1559,
may he found in bishop Sparrow's Collection of Articles, &c., in Wilkins's
Concilia, vol. iv. &c. On the subject of the regal supremacy, see Bilson's
True Difference, part iii. p. 293, &c.

9 William Howard.'] See p. 314.

10 Twenty yeares long.'] The self-contradiction of Gardiner, Bonner, &c., as
well as the tergiversation and apostasy of the whole parliament, and of very
many of the clergy, was often insisted upon, at this time, and afterwards : as
it is with great effect by dean Nowell, in his Reproof of Dorman's Disproof,
in the following extract.

"Ask of them, saith M. Dorman, with what face they could call king Henry
VIII. so many years supreme head of the church of England? &c. as though
the man had so proved the contrary, that none durst shew his face to gainsay
him, whereas all he hath said is not worth a rush. Aske of them, saith he,

310 JOHN ROGERS.

and some of you also written to the contrarie, and thr parlia-
ment hath so long agone condescended unto it." And then
interrupted me thus.

with what face. Nay, aske of your forsworne fathers, the olde papistes, (for
some of them are yet living who gave him the title first,) with what face they
did geve it him, did sweare it to him," (see Bonner's case, in the Life of
Cromwell, p. 295, 6, above), " and so longe time continued so calling him.
If they did not so thinke as they said, and had sworne but dissembled deeply,
ask of them with what face they plaied so false dissembling hypocrites with so
noble a prince, their soveraigne lorde. Ask of them what manner of su!
they were all the while, feigning in face, in countenance, in word and writynge
also, yea and taking a solemne oathe to be with their prince therein ; and
being in hearte and deede, on the pope, his sworne enemies side : — whiche
passeth havynge of two faces wider one hoode.

" But if they thoughte in deede, as they pretended in wordes, — then aske of
theym, with what face they dyd chaunge ; theyn copie, and forsweare the
same and themselves withal, so easelie afterwarde ; yea, and compelled all
other to be forsworne with them for companie ?

"If it will please you to resort to the recordes of the xxiid. and xxivth.
yeres of king Henrie VIIL, there shall you finde who they were, that first
offered this title to the saide kinge: there shall you finde that allabbottes, and
other religious, all the bishoppes, deanes, archedeacons, and cleargie of both
the houses of the convocation, then livinge, gave him that title : amongste
whom, if you find one protestante, I can for him find one score of papistes, to
speake with the least, and peradventure one hundreth too. And those pro-
testantes, who gave him that title, dealed simplie and plainlie with their
prince, as becomed true subjectes, as the sequele declared. But there shall
you finde an huge numbre of papistes, who by their writing, not saying onely;
by their othe not worde onely, resided all that false usurped supremacie of the
pope, which you and they, as many of them as be yet livinge, without all face,
or with a shamelesse face, do nowe maintaine. There shall you find who gave
to king Henrie the supremacie over the cleargie, as well as the laitie, within
his owne dominions. There shall you finde who they were that chaunged their
copie, and turned with the winde, as the wethercocke. There shall you finde
who they were, that so falsely sware, re-sware, tri-sware, forsware themselves;
and not content therwith, did so cruelly by all most terrible torments, and
dreadefull deathes, compell others to perjurie with them.

" Seeinge therefore thus standeth the case, with what face soever M. Dor-
man moveth such demaundes, and vexeth us with such leude questions,
surely he doth it without all forehead or shamefacedness." Fol. 11(>
1565. 4to.

"Blessed be God agayne and agayne," says bishop Ridley in a lett
Bradford, both being in prison, " whiche gave you so goode a mynde and
remembrance of your othe once made against the bishop of Rome, least you
should be partaker of the common perjury, which all men almost art
fallen into, in bringing in againe that wycked usurped power of hys. Whiche
othe was made according to the prophete, in judgement, in ryghteottsness, and

JOHN ROGERS. 31]

L. Chan. " Tush, that parliament was with m ,st great cruelty
constrained to abolish and put away the prhnacie from the
bishop of Rome."

Rog. " With crueltie ? why then I perceive that you take a
wrong way with crueltie to perswade mens consciences. For it
should appeare by your dooings now, that the crueltie then used
hath not perswaded your consciences. How would you then have
our consciences perswaded with crueltie ?"

L. Chan. " I talke to thee of no crueltie, but that they were
so often and so cruelly called upon in that parliament, to let the
acte goe forwarde, yea and even with force driven thereunto ;
whereas in this parliament it was so uniformly received, as is
aforesaid/''

Here my lord Paget " told me more plainely, what my lord
chancellor meant. Unto whom I answered ; " My lord what
will yee conclude thereby ; that the first parliament was of lesse
authoritie, because but few condescended unto it ? and this last
parliament of great authoritie, because more condescended unto
it ? It goeth not, my lord, by the more or lesser part, but by
the wiser, truer, and godlier part :" and I would have said more,
but the lord chancellor interrupted mee with his question, willing
me once againe to answere him. " For," said hee, " wee have
moe to speake with than thou, which must come in after thee."
And so there were indeed ten persons moe out of Newgate, be-
sides two that were not called. Of which ten, one was a citizen
of London, which granted unto them ; and nine of the contrary,
which all came to prison againe, and refused the cardinals bless-
ing, and the authoritie of his holy fathers church, saving that
one of these nine was not asked the question otherwise than
thus, whether he would be an honest man as his father was before
him : and answering " yea," he was so discharged by the friend-
ship of my lord William Howard (as I have understanded). —
He bade me tell him what I would doe : whether I would enter

in truth • and therefore cannot without perjury be revoked ; let Satan roare,
and rage, and practise all the cruelty he can." Letters of the Martyrs, p. 65, 6.
4to. A.D. 1564. This letter was written immediately after Ridley had perused
the narrative of Bradford's examinations before Gardiner and other commis-
sioners, and in the course of which Bradford had several times reminded the
bishop of his book De vera obedientia, and his oath against the pope's supre-
macy.

11 Paget. .] William, first lord Paget.

312 JOHN ROGERS.

into one church with the whole realme as it is now, or not ?
" No," said I, u I will first see it proved by the scriptures. Let
me have penne, inke, and bookes, &c. and I shall take upon me
plainely to set out the matter, so that the contrarie shall be
prooved to be true ; and let any man that will, confer with me
by writing.""

L. Chan. " Nay, that shal not be permitted thee. Thou shalt
never have so much preferred thee as thou hast now, if thou
refuse it, and wilt not now condescend and agree to the catho-
licke church. Heere are two things, mercie and justice. If thou
refuse the queenes mercy now, then shalt thou have justice
ministered unto thee."

Hog. u I never offended, nor was disobedient unto hir gi .
and yet I will not refuse hir mercie. But if this shall bee denied me
to confer by writing, and to trie out the truth, then it is not well.
but too far out of the way. Ye your selves (all the bisho]
the realme) brought me to the knowledge of the pretensed pri-
macie of the bishop of Rome, when I was a young manne twentie
yeares past : and will ye now without collation have me to say,
and doe the contrarie I I cannot be so persuaded."

L. Chan. "If thou wilt not receive the bishoppe of Rom<
be the supreame head of the catholicke church, then thou shalt
never have her mercie thou mayest be sure. And as touching
conferring and triall, I am forbidden by the scriptures to use am
conferring and triall with thee. For saint Paule teacheth me
that I shall shumne and eschew an heretike after one or two moni-
tions, knowing that such an one is overthrowne and i.s faultio.
insomuch as he is condemned by his owne judgement."

Rog. " My lord, I denie that I am an heretike : proovc
that first, and then alledge the foresaid text." But still the lord
chancellor plaid on one string, saying,

L. Chan. " If thou wilt enter into one church with us.
tell us that, or else thou shalt never have so much preferred tin •<•
againe, as thou hast now."

Rog. "I will find it first in the scripture, and see it tried
thereby, before I receive him to be supreame head."

Wor. " Why ? Doe ye not know what is in your creel '
credo ecclesiam sanctam catholicam. I believe the holy catlmlick*
church.""

Rog. " I find not the bishop of Rome there. For (catholic:
signifieth not the Romish church: it signifieth the ronx-nt »>1 'all

JOHN ROGERS. 813

true teaching churches of all times, and all ages. But how
should the bishoppe of Romes church be one of them, which
teacheth so many doctrines that are plainely and directly against
the word of God ? Can that bishop be the true head of the
catholicke church that doth so ? that is not possible."

L. Chan. " Shew me one of them, one, let me heare one."

Rog. " I remembered my self, that amongst so many, I were
best to shew one, and said ' I will shew you one.1 "

L. Chan. " Let me heare that, let me heare that."

Rog. " The bishop of Rome and his church say, read, and
sing, all that they doe in their congregations in Latine *, which
is directly and plainely against the first to the Corinthians, the
14. chapter."

L. Chan. " I denie that, I denie, that that is against the
word of God. Let me see you proove that, how proove you
that?"

Rog. Thus I began to say the text from the beginning of the
chapter, Qui loquitur lingua, &c. to speake with tongue, said I, is
to speak with a strange tongue ; as Latine or Greeke, &c. and
so to speake, is not to speake unto men, but to God. But ye
speake in Latin, which is a strange tongue, wherefore yee speake
not unto men, but unto God (meaning God only at the most).
This he granted, that they spake not unto men but unto God.

Rog. " Well, then it is in vaine unto men."

L. Chan. " No, not in vaine. For one man speaketh in one
tongue, and another in another tongue, and all well."

Rog. " Naie, I will proove then, that he speaketh neither to
God nor to man, but unto the winde."

I was willing to have declared how and after what sort these
two texts doe agree (for they must agree, they bee both the
sayings of the Holy Ghost, spoken by the apostle Paule) as to
wit, to speake not to men, but unto God, and to speake unto the
winde : and so to have gone forward with the proofs of my matter
begun, but here rose a noise and a confusion. Then saide the
lord chancellor,

" To speak unto God, and not unto God, were unpossible."

Rog. " I will proove them possible."

1 In Latine.'] See Art. XXIV. of the Church of England, " Of speaking in
the congregation in such a tongue as the people understandeth."

3U JOHN ROGERS.

" No," said my lord William Howard8 to my lord chancellor ;
" now will I beare you witnes, that he is out of the way. For In-
granted first, that they which spake in a strange speech, spakr
unto God: and now he saith the contrarie, that they
neither to God, nor to man."

Rog. " I have not granted or said" (turning mee to my
Howard) " as ye report. I have alledged the one text, and now
I am come to the other. They must agree, and I can make
them to agree. But as for you, you understand not the matter."

L. Howard. " 1 understand so much that that is not possil*
" This is a point of sophistrie," quoth secretarie Bourne.

Then the lord chancellor began to tell the lord Howard, that
when he was in high Dutchland they at Hale, which had b<
praied and used their service all in Dutch, began then to turn*-
part into Latin, and part into Dutch.

Worcest. " Yea and at Wittenburge too."

Rog. "Yea," (but I could not be heard for the noise) "in
an universitie3, where men for the most part understand the
Latine ; and yet not all in Latine." And I would have told'
order and have gone forward both to have answered my lord, and
to have prooved the thing that I had taken in hand : but per-
ceiving their talking and noise to be too noisome, I was i'ainr to
thinke this in my hart (suffering them in the meane while to
talke one of them one thing and another another), Alas, ii'-itlicr
will these men heare me if I speake, neither yet will they snhVr
mee to write. There is no remedie but let them alone, ami com-
mitte the matter to God. Yet I began to goe forward, and
that I would make the texts to agree and to proove my purpose
wel enough.

L. Chan. " No, no, thou canst proove nothing by the script ;
The scripture is dead4 : it must have a lively expositor."

2 William Howard.'] The first lord Howard of Effingham, and lord high
admiral, a son of Thomas, second duke of Norfolk.

3 An universitie. ~] So, by the acts of uniformity, in the Church of England,
it is permitted to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge (2 and .5 Kd\v. VI.
cap. i. § 6.) to use common prayer in their college chapels in the II«
Greek, or Latin languages: but in the act 13 and 14 Car. II. cap. J.

this is restricted to the Latin only.

4 The scripture is deadJ] "M. Dorman hath most untruly charged us as
allies to Suenkfeldius, who do moste ahhorre, and are moste farre from him,
and his vyle heresies. Let me see therefore, whether, as I have shewed a

JOHN ROGERS. :J1 r,

Rog. " No, the scripture is alive. — But let me go forwarde
with my purpose."

very likeness and conformitie to be between Suenkfeldius and the papistes, in
the laste point, so I cannot proove the like conformitie between them and him
likewise in all other poyntes by M. Dorman here specified.

" Suenkfeldius (saithM. Dorman) holdeth this most abhominable heresie, that
we ought to banish utterly from amongst us all scriptures.

" Doo not the papistes themselves, forbidding the Scriptures to be readde
of the laitie, keepyng the Scriptures in an unknowen tongue, burning the
Scriptures written in knowen language, goe as neare to this most abhomin-
able heresie of Suenkfeldius, as wee are most farre from the same ; who do
judge and teache, that all men of all sortes ought with diligence to reade or
heare the Scriptures ?

" Again " (according to Dorman), " thou must not be perfecte in the Scrip-
tures, saith the heretike Suenkfeldius. The Scripture is not God's word, but
dead letters ; and no more accompte to be made of them, than of any other crea-
tures, amongst the whiche they are to be rekened.

"Thou must not be perfecte in the Scriptures, say these false papistes to
all lay men. It is ignorance that is the mother of devotion. It sufficeth a
lay man to h&vejidem implicitam, an implicite faith, yea so implicite that the
most parte of such men under poperie can no more explicate what they
beleeve than can a popenjay. Yea, and popenj ay-like, both rehearsing that
their implicite faith, and praying in a strange language, they can no more tell
what they say than doth the popenjay, whiche biddeth her dame, 'Good night,
mistress," at midde day.

" And the papistes speake of the Holy Scriptures, not only as unreverently
and abominably as ever did Swenkfield, but do farre passe him in all outrage,
calling the Scriptures most contumeliously and blasphemously, a nose of wax:
and affirming it to be but an uncertaine thynge, and like a rule of leade
appliable to every wicked sentence, and to all purposes, except it have the
popes direction as a most certein infallible rule, will reherse the very wordes
of that blasphemous beast, I mean Pighius, in his Hier archie, or defense of
the pope's supremacie, written in our time .... Pighius's words are these :
' Sunt scripturse, ut non minus vere quam festive dixit quidam, velut nasus
cereus, qui se horsum, illorsum, et in quam volueris partem, trahi, retrahi
pangique facile permittit ; et tanquam plumbea quaedam Lesbiae aedificationis
regula quam non sit difficile accommodare ad quidvis volueris. Et rursum,
supra indicavimus scripturas facile trahi quocunque ; et velut plumbeam
quandam regulam haud difficulter applicari impiae cuivis sententiae,' &c. —
These are his very wordes; which in English are thus much: 'The Scrip-
tures, as one no less truely than pleasantly sayd, are like a nose of wax, whiche
will suffer itselfe easely to be drawen, countredrawen, and framed, which way
ye list ; and as a certeine rule of leade of the Lesbian buildyng, the whiche
it is not hard to applie whereto ye will.' — And agayne the same Pighius, in
another place, saith, ' We have shewed before, that the Scriptures may easely
be drawen every way, and like a certeine leaden rule, may without difficultie
be applied to every wicked sentence.'

"Thus

316 JOHN ROGERS.

Wor. " All heretikes have alledged the scriptures for them,
and therefore we must have a lively expositor for them.11

Rog. " Yea, all heretikes have alledged the scriptures for
them: but they were confuted by the scriptures, and by none
other expositor.11

Wor. " But they would not confesse that they were o\
come by the scriptures, I am sure of that.11

Rog. "I believe that: and yet were they overcome liy
them, and in all councels they were disputed with and over-
throwne by the scriptures.11 And here I would have declare* 1
how they ought to proceed in these dayes, and so would have
come againe to my purpose, but it was unpossible : for one asked
one thing, another said another, so that I was faine to hold my
peace, and let them talke. And even when I would have taken
holde on my proofe, the lord chauncellor bade, to prison with me
againe, and "away, away,11 saide he, "we have more to talke
withall : if I would not be reformed11 (so he tearmed it) " away.
away.11 Then up I stood, for I had kneeled all the while.

Then sir Richard Southwyll, who stood by in a window, said
to me : " thou wilt not burne in this geare, when it commeth t<»
the purpose, I know well that.11

Rog. " Sir, I cannot tell, but I trust to my Lord God y«
lifting up mine eyes unto heaven.

Then my lord of Ely5 told me much of the queens majesties
pleasure and meaning, and set it out with large wordes, say i \\<r
that shee tooke them that would not receive the bishop of R<
supremacie, to be unworthy to have her mercie.

I sayde, I would not refuse her mercie, and yet I in
offended her in all my life : and that I besought her grace and
all their honours to bee good to mee, reserving my conscien-

Diverse speak at once. " No ! " quoth they then, a great
of them, and especially secretarie Bourne, "a maried prie>t. and
have not offended the law?1'

I said, I had not broken the queens law, nor yet any point of

" Thus farre Pighius, speakyng it twyse or thrise, as they say, as is 1 1
for so woorthy a mattier ....

" Wherefore the papistes are more horribly blasphemous, than ever was
Suenkfeldius."— NowelTs Reproof of Dorman's Disproof, fol. 86, 7.
1565. 4to.

Compare Jewell's Apology of the Church of England, in Christian lust*1
vol. iv. j). 321—3.

6 Ely.~\ Thomas Thirlby, who had been bishop of Westminster, and al
wards of Norwich.

JOHN ROGERS. .317

the law of the realme therein. For I married where it was
lawful!.

Divers at once. "Where was that?" sayde they, thinking
that to be unlawfull in all places.

Rog. " In Dutchland. And if yee hadde not heere in Eng-
land made an open lawe ° that priests might have hadde wives,
I would never have come home againe. For I brought a wife and
eight children with me : which thing ye might be sure that I
would not have done, if the lawes of the realme had not permitted
it before."

Then there was a great noise, some saying that I was come too
soone with such a sort ; I should find a souer comming of it :
and some one thing, and some another. And one saide (I could
not well perceive who) that there was never a catholicke man or
countrey, that ever granted that a priest might have a wife.

Rog. " I saide the catholicke church never denied mariage
to priests7, nor yet to any other men;" and therewith was I

6 An open lawe.~\ The cruel hardships, and the barbarous wrong involved at
this time in the case of the married clergy, is concisely, but strikingly exhi-
bited in a couple of sentences, which I shall borrow from the Preface prefixed
to Cranmer's Defensio verce et catholicce doctrines de sacramento corporis et
sanguinis Christi Servatoris nostri, printed at Emden in 1557, and attributed
to Sir John Cheke, then an exile for his religion.

" Postquam enim rerum potiente Edvardo sexto, ssepe ac multum in com-
muni ecclesiae Anglicanae concilio disputatum, tractatumque fuisset de tol-
lendo sacerdotum ccelibatu, obtinuit ea sententia, quse, ut omnium ordinum
suffrages approbata erat, praeceptum illud Romani Antichristi de non ducendis
uxoribus, tanquam a spiritu erroris profectum, sacerdotibus abrogavit: quippe
quod non modo verbo Dei, et Apostolorum doctrinae repugnaret, sed etiam
tarn veteris legis, quam primitivse ecclesiae exemplis, adversaretur. Ceeterum,
cum multi, hac ipsa totius regni constitutione freti, uxores duxissent, et legi-
time procreatis inde liberis benedictionem propagationis consequuti essent,
coacti fuere, eodem Edvardo sexto e vivis sublato, cum uxoribus suis divor-
tium facere, et liberos etiam suos abdicare. — Hie certe, aut nusquam alibi,
miserrimam rerum faciem videre licebat, dum alii ex sacrificorum ordine
hypocritae, repudiatis uxoribus et ejectis e sua familia liberis, ad execratum
Papismi vomitum redirent j alii vero, retentis uxoribus et facultatibus suis,
exuti, et munere ecclesiastico exautorizati, exulare cogerentur."

Of the probable numbers, actually deprived for being married, some im-
portant observations will be found in Anth. Harmer's [H. Wharton's] Speci-
men of Errors, fyc. in the History of the Reformation, p. 137 — 9, 139, 40.

7 Mariage to priests.'] The whole question of the marriage of priests,
according to Scripture, History, and Law, will be found very ably examined,
first, in a learned work, written by an anonymous lay-man, in the reign of

318 JOHN ROGERS.

going out of the chamber, the sergeant which brought me thither.
having me by the arme.

Then the bishop of Worcester turned his face towards me, and
said that I wist not where that church was or is.

I sayd yes, that I could tell where it was ; but therewith went
the sergeant with me out of the doore.

This was the very true effect of all that was spoken unto me,
and of all that I answered thereunto.

And here would I gladly make a more perfect answere to all
the former objections, as also a due proofe of that which I had
taken in hand : but at this present I was informed that I shuld
to morrow come to further answere. Wherefore I am compelled to
leave out that which I would most gladly have done, desiring
here the heartie and unfained helpe of the prayers of all Chri
true members, the true impes of the true unfained catholicke
church, that the Lord God of all consolation will now be- my
comfort, ayde, strength, buckler and shield : as also of all my
brethren that are in the same case and distresse, that I and they
all may despise all manner of threats and crueltie, and even the
bitter burning fire and the dreadfull dart of death, and sticke
like true soldiers to our deare and loving captaine Christ, our
only redeemer and saviour, and also the only true head of the
church, that dooth all in us all, which is the verie propertie of an
head (and is a thing that all the bishops of Rome cannot d<
and that we doe not traitorously run out of his tents, or rather
out of the plaine field from him, in the most jeopardie of the
battell, but that we may persevere in the fight (if he will not
otherwise deliver us) till we be most cruelly slaine of his enci i
For this I most heartily, and at this present, with weeping t<
most instantly and earnestly desire and beseech you all to pray.
And also if I die, to be good to my poore and most honest v
being a poor straunger ; and all my little soules, hers and my

queen Mary, and published in that of Elizabeth, under the superintendence
of, and partly written by Parker, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, en-
titled, A Defence of Priests marriages stablished by the imperial laws of the
realm of England, against a Civilian, naming himself Thomas Martin, Doctor of
the Civil Laws; again, in Chemnitii Examen Concilii Tridentini, part iii. lor. 1
and 2. De calibatu et virginitate, and De ccelibatu sacerdotnm, p. C'26—
edit. 17O7 : and in Henry Wharton's Treatise of the celibacy of the clergy,
wherein its rise runt progress are historically considered. 4to. 1C88. See also
Art. XXXII. of the Church of England, and the expositors, Hey, Burmt

JOHN ROGERS. 319

children. Whome, with all the whole faithfull and true catho-
licke congregation of Christ, the Lord of life and death save,
keepe, and defend, in all the troubles and assaults of this vaine
world, and bring at the last to everlasting salvation, the true and
sure inheritance of all crossed Christians, Amen, Amen.

The 27. day of January at night.

The second confession of John Rogers, made, and that should have
beene made (if I might have beene heard), the 28. and 29. day of
January 1555.

First being asked againe by the lord chancellor, whether I
would come into one church with the bishops and whole realme,
as now was concluded by parliament, (in the which all the realme
was converted to the catholick church of Rome) and so receive
the mercy before profered me, arising again with the whole realme,
out of the schisme and errour in which we had long been, with
recantation of my errors : I answered, that before I could not tell
what his mercy meant, but now I under stoode that it was a mercy
of the antichristian church of Rome, which I utterly refused, and
that the rising which hee spake of, was a very fall into errour and
false doctrine. Also that I had and would be able by Gods grace,
to proove that all the doctrine which I had ever taught, was true
and catholicke, and that by the scriptures, and the authority of
the fathers that lived four hundred yeares after Christs death.
He answered, that should not, might not, nor ought not to be
granted me : for I was but a private man, and might not be
heard 8 against the determination of the whole realme. Should,

8 Might not be heard.! This principle doubtless, in a proper sense, and
under due limitations is unquestionable : and so therefore, in king James's
time, in reference to the disputes which the puritans endeavoured to prolong
after the Hampton Court conference, and therefore were eager to challenge
the court divines to fresh disputation, the earl of Worcester said, with reason,
in a letter to lord Cranborne, " matters being settled, debate every day can-
not be permitted to satisfy private consciences by particular disputation."
(Lodge's Illustrations of British History, vol. iii. p. 266, 7.) And Hooker
has well asked, " Is it meet that, when publicly things are received, and have
taken place, obedience thereunto should cease to be exacted, in case this or
that private person, led with some probable conceit, should make open pro-
testation, 'I Peter or John disallow them, and pronounce them naught?' '
Preface, chap. vi. § 6. No ! The truth must be told. Even in the case of
evil and unjust laws the path of duty is clear. After all expedients have been

320 JOHN ROGERS.

quoth hee, when a parliament hath concluded a thing, one. or any
private person have authority to discusse, whether they had done
right or wrong ? No, that may not be.

I aunswered shortly, that all the lawes of men might not,
neither could rule the word of God ; but that they all must be
discussed and judged thereby, and obey thereto ; and my con-
science, nor no Christian mans could be satisfied with such lawes
as disagreed from that worde : and so was willing to have said
much more, but the lord chancellor began a long tale to very
small purpose, concerning mine answere, to have defaced mee,
that there was nothing in me wherefore I should be heard, but
arrogancie, pride, and vaineglorie. I also granted mine ignorance
to be greater than I could expresse, or then hee tooke it : but yet
that I feared not by Gods assistance and strength, to be able by
writing to perform my word ; neither was I (I thanked God) so
utterly ignorant as he would make me ; but all was of God to
whom be thanks rendred therefore ! Proud man was I never, nor
yet vaine glorious. All the world knew well, where and on which
side pride, arrogancie, and vain-glorie was. It was a poore pride
that was or is in us, God it knoweth.

Then said he, that I at the first dash condemned the queene
and the whole realme, to be of the church of antichrist ; and
burdened me highly therewithal!. I answered that the qu<
majestie (God save her grace) would have done well enough, if it
had not beene for his counsel!. He said, the queene went be-fore
him, and it was her owne motion. I said, without faile I neither
could, nor I would ever belecve it.

tried which the constitution of the country and its laws will allow ; such as
are, in our own, the exercise of the right of petition, which is as inherent in
the subject as that of legislation is in the king and his great council ; such
again, as is the freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press so far as is
consistent with law, — then, thus much having been tried — for the rest, — if
these shall prove ineffectual, — the laws must be obeyed. Or, if we do not obey,
then we must have made up our mind to abide the consequences; temporal
punishment, namely, here ; and a strict enquiry into our motives and conduct
hereafter.

Rogers and his fellows were well aware of the alternative. They were no
novices. They had counted the cost: and, this being so, they went to the
stake in sure and certain hope of better things beyond the grave ; and not
without the cheering consolation, springing from the very depth of tlu-ir own
sutlVrings and wrong, that so would be wrought nut, through (iod's mercy,
a redemption mul deliverance for those (the afflicted church of God), whom
they left behind.

JOHN ROGERS. 321

Then said doctor Aldrise 9 the bishop of Carlile, that they the
bishops would beare him witnesse. Yea, quoth I, that I beleeve
well ; and with that the people laughed : for that day there were
many ; but on the morrow they bade keep the doores shut, and
would let none in, but the bishops adherentes and servants in
maner ; yea and the first day the thousandth man came not in.
Then maister controller and secretary Bourne would have stood
up also to beare witnesse, and did.

I said it was no great matter : and to say the truth, I thought
that they were good helpers thereto themselves : but I ceased to
say any more therein, knowing that they were too strong and
mighty of power, and that they should bee beleeved before mee,
yea and before our Saviour Christ, and all his prophets and
apostles too, in these daies.

Then after many wordes hee asked mee what I thought con-
cerning the blessed sacrament, and stood up and put off his cap J,

9 Aldrise. ,] Robert Aldrich, provost of Eton.

1 Put off his cap.~\ This action of Gardiner and his fellow bishops, was in
token of their reverence and devotion to the supposed bodily presence of
Christ in the consecrated elements of the eucharist. We learn a little below,
in the course of these examinations of Rogers, that this was a ceremonial
rarely omitted by Gardiner ; who, doubtless, from his controversy with arch-
bishop Cranmer, regarded himself as an eminent champion of the doctrine of
transubstantiation. The reader may not be displeased to see a further exem-
plification of this species of devotion, in the persons of two very distinguished
characters of those times, the pope of Rome, Paul III., and the pope-like
king of England, Henry VIII. The first extract is taken from a description
of a procession of the pope, cardinals, and other ecclesiastics to St. Peter's on
Christmas day in the year 1547, of which the narrator was an eye-witness.

"Than came the double crosse, the sworde and the imperiall hatte, and
after that the cardinalls by two and two, and betweene every two a great route
of gentilmen. Then came the ambassadors, and next them the bishop hym-
selfe, blessyng all the waie, and carried in his chayre by eight men clothed in
long robes of skarlet. And on either side of him wente his guarde makyng
rome, and crying, abasso, abasso ; for they that will not willingly kneele, shall
be made kneele by force. And I thynke verily the foremost of this ordre was
distant from the hindermost more than a quarter of a myle.

" Thus when he came into the middest of the church against the sacrament
of the aulter, he turned himself e towards it, and bowyng his head a little, seemed
to make a cert aine familiar e reverence.

" Then was he carried into the chapell, brought behind the aulter, for the

aulter standeth in the middest open every waie, and there in a throne of won-

derfull majestic was set up as a god." History of Italy, by William Thomas,

fol. 38. A.D. 1549. [In

VOL. II. Y

322 JOHN ROGERS.

and all his fellow bishops (of which there were a great sort new
men, of whom I knew few) whether I beleeved in the sacrament
to be the very body and bloud of our Saviour Christ that was
borne of the virgin Mary, and hanged on the crosse, really and
substantially.

I answered, I had often tolde him that it was a matter in which
I was no medler, and therefore suspected of my brethren to bee
of a contrary opinion. Notwithstanding, even as the most part
of your doctrine in other pointes is false, and the defence thereof
onely by force and cruelty : so in this matter I thinke it to be as

In the examination of John Lambert in the year 1538, in which disputation
Henry himself bore an active part, Lambert being abashed at the monarch's
angry words, makes a short pause, upon which we are told, " the king being
hastie, with anger and vehemencie said, why standest thou still ? Answere,
As touching the sacrament of the aulter, whether dost thou say, that it is the
bodie of Christ, or wilt thou denie it ? And with that the king lifted up his
cap.

" Lambert. I answere with St. Augustine, that it is the bodie of Christ,
after a certaine manner." Fox's Acts, p. 1025. The next extract applies to
the examination of Dr. Robert Barnes in the following year (1539), soon after
which he was burnt for heresy : the account is from the pen of bishop Gar-
diner. " And one notable thing was done, in the hearing of that matter by
the kynges majestic, when Barnes offered to yield to his highness in his opi-
nion. The kynges grace sytting secretly in his closet, and having with him
the late erle of Southampton (whose soul God pardon !), the mayster of the
horse that now is, Me, Barnes, mayster Doctour Cockes, and Doctour Robin-
son : the kinges highness, at that offire of Barnes, sayd, ' I am (quoth his
majestie) a mortall man :' and therewith rysynge and turning to the sacra-
ment, and putting off" his bonet sayde ; * Yonder is the maister of us all, author
of truth, yield in truth to hym, and I shall ' (sayeth the kinges majestie) * de-
fende that truthe. And otherwyse Barnes,' (quoth the kings majestie) * yield
not to me.' .... But to the purpose I tell this storye for." Declaration of
Articles against George Joye, fol. 7. 4to.

This homage, as might be expected, did not pass without animadversions
from the protestants.

" The lady Jane (Gray), she whom the lord Guilford married, being on a
time when she was very young at New-hall in Essex at the lady Maries "
(afterwards queen Mary), " was by one lady Anne Wharton desired to walke;
and they passing by the chappell, the lady Wharton made low curtsie to the
popish sacrament hanging on the alter. Which when the lady Jane saw, she
marvelled, why she did so ; and asked her whether the lady Mary were there
or not. Unto whom the lady Wharton answered • no, but she said, that she
made her curtsey to him that made us all.' * Why,' quoth the lady Jane,
• how can he be there that made us all, and the baker made him ? '
answere coming to the lady Marie's eare, she did never love her after." I
Act*, p. 1927.

JOHN ROGERS. 323

false as the rest. For I cannot understand (really and substan-
tially) to signifie otherwise than corporally : but corporally Christ
is onely in heaven, and so cannot Christ bee corporally also in
your sacrament. And here I somewhat set out his charitie after
this sort : My lord, quoth I, ye have dealt with mee most cruelly.
For ye have set me in prison without law, and kept mee there
now almost a yeare and a halfe. For I was almost halfe a yeare
in my house, where I was obedient to you, God knoweth, and
spake with no man. And now have I beene a full yeare in New-
gate at great costs and charges, having a wife and ten children to
finde ; and I had never a penie of my livings : which was against
the lawe.

He aunswered, that doctor Ridley which had given them
mee, was an usurper, and therefore I was the unjust possessor
of them.

Was the king then an usurper, quoth I, which gave doctor
Ridley the bishopricke ?

" Yea," quoth he, and began to set out the wrongs that the
king had done to the bishop of London, and to himselfe also.
" But yet I do misuse my tearmes," quoth hee, " to call the king
usurper." But the word was gone out of the aboundance of the
heart before ; and I thinke that he was not verie sorie for it in
heart. I might have said more concerning that matter, but I
did not.

I asked him wherefore he set me in prison. He said, because
I preached against the queene.

I answered that it was not true : and I would be bound to
proove it, and to stand to the trial of the law, that no man should
be able to proove it, and thereupon would set my life. I preached
(quoth I) a sermon at the crosse, after the queene came to the
Tower : but therein was nothing said against the queene, I take
witnesse of all the audience : which was not small. I alleadged
also that he had after examination let me goe at liberty, after the
preaching of that sermon.

Yea, but thou didst reade thy lectures after, quoth he, against
the commandemente of the councell.

That did I not, quoth I : let that be prooved, and let me die
for it. Thus have ye now against the lawe of God and man
handled me, and never sent for me, never conferred with me,
never spoke of any learning, till now that yee have gotten a whip

Y 2

324 JOHN ROGERS.

to whip me with 2, and a sword to cut off my necke, if I will
not condescend to your minde. This charitie doth all the world
understand.

1 might and would have added, if I could have beene suffered to
speake, that it had beene time enough to take away mens livings,
and thereto to have prisoned them, after that they had offended
lawes. For they bee good citizens that breake not lawes, and
worthy of praise and not of punishment. But their purpose is to
keepe men in prison so long, untill they may catch them in their
lawes, and so kill them. I could and would have added tin1
example of Daniell, which by a craftily devised lawe was cast into
the lions den. Item, I might have declared, that I most humbly
desired to be set at libertie, sending my wife to him with a sup-
plication, being great with child, and with her eight honest
women, or thereabout, to Richmond, at Christmas was a t\\
month, whiles I was yet in my house.

Item, I wrote two supplications to him out of Newgate, and
sent my wife many times to him. M. Gosnolde also that worthy
man, who is nowe departed in the Lord, laboured for me ; and
so did divers other worthy men also take paines in the matter.
These things declare my 1. chancellors antichristian charitk-. which
is, that he hath and doth seeke my bloud, and the destruction of
my poore wife and my ten children.

This is a short summe of the wordes which were spoken in the
28 day of January at afternoone, after that M. Hooper had been
the first, and M. Cardmaker the second in examination before
me. The Lord grant us grace to stand together, fighting lawfully
in his cause, till we bee smitten downe together, if the Lords will

2 A whip to whip me with.'] Rogers here alludes to the revival of those
ancient statutes of Richard II. and Henry IVth and Vth against alleged
heresy, of whose cruel operations we have already seen so much, and to some
further provisions for the like purpose, which had been enacted in the course
of that and some preceding months by the parliament; which having gone
through its work of cruelty and degradation, had been then very recently dis-
solved. See Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 275. Fox's Acts,
p. 1446. 1461. 1560. We shall find, in the further progress of our history,
several other references to the same acts of parliament.

These statutes had severally been repealed under king Henry VIII. (25
Hen. VIII. cap. 14) or king Edward VI., were now re-enacted by queen Mary ;
and at length were finally repealed, with all other former statutes relating to
heresy, 1 Eliz. cap. 1. See Blackstone, vol. iv. b. iv. c. 4.

JOHN ROGERS. 325

be so to permit it ! For there shall not a haire of our heads perish
against his will, but with his will. Whereunto the same Lord
grant us to bee obedient unto the end, and in the end ! Amen :
Sweete, mighty, and mercifull Lord Jesus the son of David and
of God : Amen, Amen, let every true Christian say and pray !

Then the clocke being, as I gessed, about foure, the 1. chan-
cellor said, that he and the church must yet use charitie with
mee, (what maner of charitie it is, all true Christians doe well
understand, as to wit, the same that the foxe doth with the
chickens, and the wolfe with the lambes) and gave me respite till
to morrow, to see whether I would remember my self well to
morrow, and whether I would returne to the catholicke church
(for so he calleth his antichristian false church) againe, and
repent, and they would receive me to mercy.

I said that I was never out of the true catholicke church,
nor would be : but into his church, would I, by Gods grace,
never come.

Well, quoth he, then is our church false and antichristian ?

Yea, quoth I.

And what is the doctrine of the sacrament ?

False, quoth I, and cast my hands abroad.

Then said one, that I was a plaier. To whom I answered not :
for I passed not upon his mocke.

Come againe, quoth the lord chancellor, to morrowe betweene
nine and ten.

I am ready to come againe, when so ever ye call, quoth I.

And thus was I brought up by the sheriffes to the counter in
Southwarke, maister Hooper going before mee, and a great mul-
titude of people beeing present, so that we had much to doe to
goe in the streets.

Thus much was done the 28 day of January.

The second day, which was the 29 of January, we were sent
for in the morning about nine of the clocke, and by the sheriffes
fetched from the counter in Southwarke, to the church againe, as
to wit, to S. Mary Overies, where we were the day before in the
afternoone, as is said. And when maister Hooper was condemned,
as I understood afterward, then sent they for me. When my lord
chancellor said unto me :

" Rogers," quoth hee, " here thou wast yesterday, and we gave

326 JOHN ROGERS.

thee libertie to remember thy selfe this night, whether thou
wouldest come to the holy catholicke church of Christ againe
or not. Tell us nowe what thou hast determined, whether
thou wilt be repentant and sory, and wilt return again and take
mercy."

" My lord," quoth I, " I have remembered my selfe right well,
what you yesterday laid for you, and desire you to give me 1< a\»
to declare my mind what I have to say thereunto, and that don I
shall answere you to your demanded question.

" When I yesterday desired that I might bee suffered by the
scripture and authoritie of the first, best, and purest church to
defend my doctrine by writing (meaning not onely of the primacie,
but also of all the doctrine that ever I had preached) ye ans\\< -n <1
mee that it might not, nor ought not to bee granted me, for I
was a private person; and that the parliament was above tin-
authoritie of all private persons, and therefore the sentence thereof
might not bee found faulty and valurelesse by me being but a pri-
vate person. And yet my lord, quoth I, I am able to shew exam-
ples, that one man hath come into a generall councell, and after
the whole had determined and agreed upon an act or article, that
some one man comming in afterward, hath by the worde of (MM!
declared so pithilie that the councell had erred in decreeing tin-
said article, that hee caused the whole councell to change and
alter their act or article before determined. And of these exam-
ples, said I, I am able to shew two. I can also shew the autho-
ritie of S. Augustine, that when he disputed with an heretic kc.
he would neither himself, nor yet have the hereticke, to leane unto
the determination of two former councels, of the which the one
made for him, and the other for the hereticke that disputed again>t
him : but said that hee would have the scriptures to be their jn
which were common and indifferent for them both, and not pn >] •< r
to either of them.

" Item, I could shew," said I, " the authoritie of a learned law v. -r
I'anormitanus3, which saith; that unto a simple lay man, that
bringeth the word of God with him, there ought more credite to be
given, than to a whole councell gathered teyi&t r. By thes< things
will I proove that I ought not to bee denied to say my mindc, and

* Panormitanus.] Niccolo Tedeschi, archbishop of Palermo, one of t he-
most learned canonists of the fifteenth century. His collected \vork^
printed at Venice in 16 17, in nine volumes, folio.

JOHN ROGERS. 327

to be heard against a whole parliament, bringing the worde of
God for mee, and the authoritie of the olde church four hundred
yeares after Christ, albeit that every man in the parliament had
willingly and without respect of feare and favour agreed thereunto
(which thing I doubt not a little of,) specially seeing the like had
beene permitted in that olde church, even in generall councels, yea
and that in one of the chiefest councels that ever was, unto which
neither any actes of this parliament, nor yet any of the late gene-
rall councels of the bishops of Rome ought to be compared. For,
said I, if Henrie the eight were alive, and should call a parlia-
ment, and begin to determine a thing (and heere I would have
alleadged the example of the act of making the queene a bastard,
and of making himselfe the superiour head : but I could not,
being interrupted of one * whom God forgive) then will yee (point-
ing to my lord chancellor) and ye and ye, and so ye all (pointing
to the rest of the bishops) say, Amen : yea, and it like your grace,
it is meete that it be so enacted, &c."

Heere my lord chancellor would suffer me to speake no more :
but bade mee sit downe, mockingly, saying that I was sent for to
be instructed of them, and I would take upon me to be their
instructer.

" My lord," quoth I, " I stand and sit not : shall I not be suf-
fered to speake for my life 2"

" Shall we suffer thee to tell a tale, and to prate," quoth he ?
and with that he stoode up, and began to face me, after his old
arrogant proud fashion ; for hee perceived that I was in a way to
have touched them somewhat, which he thought to hinder, by
dashing me out of my tale ; and so hee did. For I could never
be suffered to come to my tale againe, no not to one worde of it :
but hee had much like communication with mee as he had the day
before, and as his maner is, taunt upon taunt, and checke upon
checke. For in that case, being Gods cause, I tolde him he should
not make me afraid to speake.

L. chaun. " See what a spirit this fellow hath," said hee,
finding fault at mine accustomed earnestnesse and heartie man-
ner of speaking.

Kog. " I have a true spirite," quoth I, " agreeing to and obey-
ing the word of God ;" and would further have said, that I was
never the worse, but the better, to be earnest in a just and true

4 Interrupted of owe.] This was Sir Anthony Brown. Fox.

328 JOHN ROGERS.

cause and in my maister Christs matters : but 1 might not be
heard. And at the length he proceeded towards his excommuni-
cation and condemnation, after that I had tolde him that his
church of Rome was the church of antichrist, meaning the false
doctrine and tyrannicall lawes, with the maintenance thereof by
cruell persecution, used by the bishops of the said church (of
which the bishop of Winchester and the rest of his follow bishops
that are now in England, are the chiefe members). Of lawi - I
meane, quoth I ; and not all men and women which are in the
popes church. Likewise when I was said to have denied their
sacrament (wherof he made his wonted reverent mention, more to
maintaine his kingdome thereby, than for the true reverence of
Christes institution : more for his owne and his popish generations
sake, than for religion or Gods sake) I told him after what order
I did speake of it (for the maner of his speaking was not agreeing
to my words, which are before recited in the communication that
wee had in the 28 of Januarie) wherewith hee was not contented,
but hee asked the audience whether I had not simply denied tho
sacrament. They would have said, and did what hee lusted, for
the most of them were of his owne servants at that day ; the 29
of January I meane. At the last I said, I will never deny that
I said, that is, that your doctrine of the sacrament is false : but
yet I tell you after what order I said it.

To be short, he read my condemnation before me, particularly
mentioning therein but two articles, first that I affirmed the
Romish catholicke church to bee the church of antichrist ; and
that I denied the reality of their sacrament. He cursed me to
be degraded and condemned, and put into the hands of tin laitie.
and so he gave me over into the shrives hands, which were much
better than his.

The copie of which his condemnation here I thought to put down
in English, to the intent that the same being here once expressed,
may serve for all other sentences condemnatory through the whole
story to be referred unto.

The sentence condemnatorie against maister Rogers.

" In the; name of God, Amen. \NV Steven l>y the penm
of God bishop of \Viiichester. lawfully and rightly proceeding
with all godly favour, by authoritie and vertue of our office.

JOHN ROGERS. 329

against thee John Rogers priest, alias called Mathewe, before us
personally here present, being accused and detected, and noto-
riously slandered of heresie ; having heard, seene, and under-
standed, and with all diligent deliberation waied, discussed, and
considered the merites of the cause, all things beeing observed,
which by us in this behalfe, in order of law ought to bee ob-
served, sitting in our judgement seate, the name of Christ being
first called upon, and having God onely before our eies : — because
by the acts enacted, propounded, and exhibited in this matter,
and by thine own confession judicially made before us, wee doe
finde that thou hast taught, holden and affirmed, and obstinately
defended divers errours, heresies, and damnable opinions con-
trarie to the doctrine and determination of the holy church, as
namely these ; That the catholicJce church of Rome, is the church
of antichrist : Item, that in the sacrament of the aultar, there is
not substantially nor really the natural body and Uoud of Christ.
The which aforesaid heresies, and damnable opinions being con-
trarie to the law of Grod, and determination of the universall and
apostolicall church, thou hast arrogantly, stubbornely, and wit-
tingly maintained, helde, and affirmed, and also defended before
us, as well in this judgement, as also otherwise ; and with the
like obstinacie, stubbornnesse, malice and blindnesse of heart,
both wittingly and willingly hast affirmed, that thou wilt beleeve,
maintaine and holde, affirme arid declare the same : Wee there-
fore Stephen Winton bishop, ordinary and diocesan aforesaid, by
the consent and assent as wel of our reverend brethren the lord
bishops here present and assistant, as also by the counsell and
judgement of divers worshipfull lawyers and professours of divi-
nitie, with whom wee have communicated in this behalfe, doe
declare and pronounce thee the said John Rogers, otherwise
called Mathewe, through thy demerites, transgressions, obstina-
cies, and wilfulnesses (which thou manifold waies hast incurred
by thine owne wicked and stubburne obstinacie) to have beene
and to bee guilty in the detestable, horrible, and wicked offence
of heretical! pravitie and execrable doctrine ; and that thou hast
before us sundry times spoken, maintained, and wittingly and
stubbornly defended the said cursed and execrable doctrine in
thy sundry confessions, assertions, and recognitions here judi-
cially before us oftentimes repeated ; and yet still doest main-
taine, affirme and beleeve the same ; and that thou hast beene
and art lawfully and ordinarily convicted in this behalfe. Wee

330 JOHN ROGERS.

therefore, I say, albeit following the example of Christ, Which
would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert
and live, we have gone about oftentimes to correct thee, and by
all lawfull meanes that wee could, and all wholesome admonitions
that we did know, to reduce thee againe unto the true faith and
unitie of the universall catholick church, notwithstanding have
found thee obstinate and stifnecked, willingly continuing in thy
damnable opinions and heresies, and refusing to returne againe
unto the true faith and unitie of the holy mother church, and as
the childe of wickednesse and darkenesse so to have hardened thy
heart, that thou wilt not understand the voice of thy shepheanl.
which with a fatherly affection doth seeke after thee, nor wilt not
be allured with his fatherly and godly admonitions: — we tin -re-
fore Stephen the bishop aforesaid, not willing that thou which
art wicked, shouldest nowe become more wicked, and infect the
Lords flocke with thine heresie (which wee are greatly afraide
of) with sorrowe of minde and bitternesse of heart doe judge
thee, and definitively condemne thee the said John Rogers,
otherwise called Mathewe, thy demerites and defaults bein«r
aggravate through thy damnable obstinacie, as guiltio of most
detestable heresies, and as an obstinate impenitent sinner, r.
ing penitently to returne to the lappe and unitie of the holy
mother church ; and that thou hast beene and art by law.
communicate, and doe pronounce and declare thee to bee :m
excommunicate person. Also wee pronounce and declare tint-
being an hereticke, to bee cast out from the church, and left
unto the judgement of the secular power ; and now presently so
doe leave thee as an obstinate hereticke, and a person wrapped in
the sentence of the great curse, to bee degraded worthily for thy
demerites (requiring them notwithstanding5 in the bowels of mil-
Lord Jesus Christ, that this execution and punishment worthily
to be done upon thee, may so bee moderated, that the rigor
thereof bee not too extreame, nor yet the gentlenesse too nnu-h

* Requiring them notwithstanding.'] " S. Augustine, when the proconsul of
Africa went further than that holy man liked in that kind of severity, pro-
fesseth he had rather he himself slain by them, than by detecting the Donatists,
he any cause they should undergo the punishment of death. From whence
Bui oiiius conceives it proceeds, that such as deliver an heretic to the secular

i for execution, to this day effectually intercede he may not be pun
with death. And yet as it were to mock God, and delude the world, if the
lay authority having him in his power, shall defer the doing it more than

JOHN ROGERS. 331

mitigated, but that it may bee to the salvation of thy soule, to
the extirpation, terror, and conversion of the heretickes, to the
unitie of the catholicke faith) by this our sentence definitive
which we here lay upon, and against thee, and doe with sorrowe
of heart promulgate in this forme aforesaid."

After this sentence being read, hee sent us (M. Hooper, I
meane, and me) to the Clinke, there to remaine till night : and
when it was darke, they carried us, M. Hooper going before with
the one shiriffe, and I comming after with the other, with billes
and weapons enow, out of the Clinke, and let us thorough the
bishops house 6, and so thorow Saint Mary Overies churchyard,
and so into Southwarke, and over the bridge on procession to
Newgate through the citie. But I must shew you this also, that
when he had read the condemnation, he declared that I was in
the great curse, and what a vengeable dangerous matter it were
to eate and drinke with us that were accursed, or to give us any
thing ; for all that so did, should be partakers of the same great
curse.

" Well my lord," quoth I, "heere I stand before God and you,
and all this honourable audience, and take him to witnes, that I
never wittingly or willingly taught any false doctrine : and there-
fore have I a good conscience before God and al good men. I
am sure that you and I shal come before a judge that is right-
eous, before whom I shall be as good a man as you : and I
nothing doubt but that I shall bee found there a true member of
the true catholicke church of Christ and everlastingly saved.

ordinary, it is the constant tenet of the canonists, relying on a bull of
Alexander IV. (A.D. 1260) that he is to be compelled unto it by spiritual
censures ; yet may he not take any cognisance of the cause at all." Twis-
den's Vindication, p. 140.

" In the mean time they had prevailed upon the weakness of bigoted
princes, to make the civil power subservient to their purposes, by making
heresy not only a temporal, but even a capital offence : the Romish eccle-
siastics determining without appeal, whatever they pleased, to be heresy, and
shifting off to the secular arm the odium and drudgery of executions ; with
which they themselves were too tender and delicate to intermeddle. Nay
they pretended to intercede and pray, on behalf of the convicted heretic, ut
citra mortis periculum sententia circa eum moderetur (Decretal. 1. 5. t. 40.
c. 27) ; well knowing at the same time, that they were delivering the un-
happy victim to certain death." Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of
England, vol. iv. b. 4. c. 4.

6 The bishops house.'] Winchester house, near the Bankside.

332 JOHN ROGERS.

And as for your false church ye need not to excommunicate me
forth of it. I have not beene in it these twenty yeares, the Lord
be thanked therefore. But now ye have done what yee can my
lord, I pray you yet grant me one thing."

" What is that ?" quoth he.

" That my poore wife being a stranger, may come and speake
with mee so long as I live. For she hath ten children that are
hers and mine, and somewhat I would counsell her what were
best for her to doe."

" No," quoth he, " she is not thy wife."

" Yes my lord," quoth I, " and hath beene these eighteen
yeares."

" Should I grant her to be thy wife ?" quoth he.

" Chuse you," quoth I, " whether yee will or not : she shall
bee so neverthelesse."

" She shall not come at thee," quoth he.

" Then have I tried out all your charitie," said I. " You
make your selfe highly displeased with the matrimony of prk
but you maintaine open whoredome 7 : as in Wales," quoth I,

7 Open whoredome.'] " The people," says bishop Burnet, vol. ii. p. 85.
" had been more prejudiced against the marriage of the clergy, if they had
not felt greater inconveniences by the debaucheries of priests, who being
restrained from marriage, had defiled the beds and deflowered the daughters
of their neighbours."

Henry Wharton, under his assumed name of Anth. Harmer, has very ably
stated this whole matter, in an animadversion upon the bishop, severe indeed,
but of great learning and value.

" As for adulteries and rapes, which the historian insists on, it is charitably
to be hoped, that they were not so frequent in the clergy before the reforma-
tion. But the greatest scandal arose by keeping women in their houses
under the name and notion of concubines, and being licensed by their seve-
ral bishops to do it; which abuse obtained generally, and was practised
openly throughout the whole western church before the reformation. Yet in
any case, to cover the faults of the clergy, and to excuse them when the
case admitteth any excuse, not only the respect due to the sacred order, but
common justice also requires. Had all these women, thus generally enter-
tained by the clergy, been no other than their concubines, it would indeed
have been inexcusable. But in truth they were for the most part their wives ;
whuin they married secretly, and kept under the name of concubines : since
the laws and canons then received, forbade them to marry openly, or to enter-
tain women under the name of wives. This the bishops very well knew; and
from time to time gave them licences to do it, and tolerated them in it ; not
allowing them thereby to violate the divine laws of chastity, but only in secret
to neglect the ecclesiastical laws of celibacy. Now that this was the case of
the western clergy, we are assured by Alvarus Pelagius (Planet. Eccles. lib. 2.)

JOHN ROGERS. 333

" where every priest hath his whore openly dwelling with him and
lying by him : even as your holy father suffereth all the priests
in Dutchland and in France to doe the like." Thereto he an-
swered not, but looked as it were asquint at it: and thus I
departed, and saw him last.

Other good matter there is beside penned by maister Rogers
in the prison, which hee thought, and would have answered if hee
might have beene permitted, as here under followeth to be seene
by his own setting downe.

" Hitherto dearely beloved, ye have heard what was said :
now heare what I purposed the night before to have said if I
could have beene permitted. Two things I purposed to have
touched. The one how it was lawfull for a private man to reason
and write against a wicked act of parliament, or ungodly councell,
which the lord chancellor the day before denied me. The other
was to proove that prosperity was not alwaies a token of Gods

Cassander, (Consultat. 23.) and others. And lest we should imagine the
clergy of England in this practice to have acted, either with less wit or con-
science than the clergy of other nations, we find several constitutions of our
later provincial councils directed against the clandestine marriages of the
clergy. These constitutions were made /or shew: but were seldom or never
executed. But the most express testimony herein, is given by archbishop
Parker ; who, publishing a large and accurate * Defence of Priests' Marriages,'
written by an anonymous layman in the reign of queen Mary, hath towards
the end of the book, in some copies of it, inserted ten sheets of his own
composition, wherein he gives a full and learned history of the marriage
and celibacy of the clergy of England, from the first reception of Christianity
to the reformation. In this History (p. 329) he affirms the practice of the
clergy in relation to concubines before mentioned, to have continued all
along in England, concluding thus ; ' And so they lived secretly with their
friends, not openly vouched for wives, but in affectu sororio, amore uxorio,
et fide conjugali, as they use the termes. In which kynde of lyfe there
be no small arguments, that some bishops, and the best of the clergy lyvyng
within the memorie of man, dyd continue.' And in another place (p. 334) ;

' For, as many of the cleargie lyved in adulteries, and some in vices ; so

dyd dyverse, whose consciences were better, and in knowledge more wise,
lyve secretlie with wives, and provyded for their children under the names of
nephewes, and of other men's children. In which manner lyved Bonifacius,
archbishop of Canterbury, and other bishopes of old dayes ; but some also
of late days dyd lyve, though all the world did not barke at the matter.' "
Specimen of Errors, 1693. p. 78—80. See also Tyndal against More, Works,
p. 261, 2 ; an important passage, very similar in its facts, &c. to the state-
ments of archbishop Parker.

334 JOHN ROGERS.

love. And this I purposed to speake of, because the lord chan-
cellour boasted of himselfe that hee was delivered forth of prison.
as it were by myracle, and preserved of God to restore true
religion, and to punish me and such other, whom he teanned
heretickes. Concerning these two points, in this maner I pur-
posed to have proceeded.

It is not unknowne to you that k. Henry the eight in his
time made his daughter the queen that now is a bastard, he
abolished the authority of the bishop of Rome, he pulled downe
abbeies : and all this hee did by the consent of parliament.

King Edward the sixt in his time made lawfull the marriage of
priestes, turned the service into English, abolished the idolatrous
masse, with all like superstitious trumperie, set up the holy com-
munion ; and all by consent of parliament.

The queene that now is, hath repealed the acte that made her
bastard, hath brought in the bishop of Rome, and set him in his
olde authoritie, beginneth to set up abbeies againe, hath made the
mariage of priests unlawefull, hath turned the English service into
Latine againe, hath set up the masse againe with like baggage, and
pulled downe the holy communion ; and all this is done by con
of parliament.

If the acts of parliament made in k. Henries time and in k.
Edwards, had their foundation upon Gods word, wherupon all po-
sitive lawe ought to be grounded, then these which are stablish. •<!
in the queenes time, beeing cleane contrarie to the others, as they
are not warranted by Gods worde, so are they wicked, and tli
fore to bee both spoken and written against of all men, as well of
private as of publike persons.

If your actes, my lord chancellor, which you have lately coyned
(I call them yours, because ye onely beare the swinge, devise and
decree what yee list, all other men are forced to follow) bee good.
and according to Gods words, then the former acts were naught ;
which thing yee seeme to say, in utterly taking of them away, and
setting up of the contrarie : if the former were naught, why, thru
did ye consent unto them, and confirme them to be <:«<> 1 l,y your
voluntary and advised writing, as it appoan-th. and will to tin-
worlds ondc, in your booke de vera Ol« \lu-iv yon pr
the queene a bastard, and the bishop of Home to be an usurper,
and to have no authority in the realme of England ?

^i 6 must needes confi ssc. that the most part of your ftctefl of
parliament in these latter d:ii«-v have heene arrordincr to the

JOHN ROGERS. 335

tasies of a few. King Henry in his time established by parlia-
ment in a manner what he listed, and many things that might well
have beene amended.

In king Edwards daies, the dukes of Somerset and Northum-
berland bare a great stroke in things, and did not all things sin-
cerely. Even so, since the queene that now is, came to the
government of the realme, all things are ordered by your devise,
and head, and the whole parliament house is led as you list ; by
reason whereof they are compelled to condescend to things both
contrarie to Gods manifest worde, and also contrarie to their owne
consciences ; so great is your crueltie.

For to bring your wicked purposes to passe, and to establishe
your antichristian kingdome (which I trust the Lord, with the
breath of his mouth will speedily blowe over) yee have called three
parliaments in one yeere and an halfe, that what you could not com-
passe by subtill perswasion, yee might bring to passe by tyrannicall
threatning ; for if ye had not used cruell force in your doings, yee
had never brought to passe such things as this day yee have, to
the utter defacing and abolishing of Gods true religion, and to the
casting away and destruction of your naturall countrey, so much
as in you lieth.

And it is most true that as acts of parliament have in these
latter daies beene ruled by the fantasies of a few, and the whole
parliament house, contrarie to their minds, was compelled to con-
sent to such things as a fewe have conceived : so it must needs
bee graunted that the papists at all times were most ready to
apply themselves to the present world, and like men pleasers to
follow the fantasies of such as were in authoritie, and turne with
the estate, which way soever it turned. Yea, if the estate should
chaunge tenne times in one yeare, they would ever bee readie at
hand to chaunge with it, and so follow the cry, and rather utterly
to forsake God, and be of no religion, then that they would forgoe
lust or living, for God or for religion.

King Henry by parliament, according to Gods worde, put downe
the Pope : the clergie consented, and all men openly by othe re-
fused his usurped supreamacy, knowing by Gods word CHRIST to
bee head of the church, and every king in his realme to have under
and next unto Christ, the chiefe soveraigntie.

King Edward also by parliament, according to God's word, set
the marriage of priests at liberty, abolished the popish and idola-
trous masse, changed the Latine service, and set up the holy

336 JOHN ROGERS.

communion : the whole clergie consented8 hereunto : many of them
set it forth by their preaching : and all they by practising con-
firmed the same.

8 The whole clergie consented.'] Compare Christian Institutes, vol. iv.
p. 340, 1, and 351, 2, with n.

With respect to the particular question of the marriage of the clergy, we
possess an account of the proceedings of convocation, of very high autho-
rity, being from archbishop Parker himself, and of the more value because
the official records of the convocation are not extant.

" These matters aforesayde," says he, " with many others being well and
advisedly pondered by that noble prince king Edward, his nobles, and
cleargie, somewhat to staye the foule abuse whiche so long tyme without
remedie had been used in that state of the realme which should by duetie
expresse, for example, most puritie of life ; he thoughte it good to remove
the force of such forayne lawes which compelled to this daungerous state
of lyfe ; his cleargie meetyng in synode together, and after debatements
concludyng.

" If ye lyst to understand what was done and subscribed unto, ye shall
heare what the lower house dyd affirme in this case of continencie .... to
whose consciences was this proposition propounded, eyther to be freely
affirmed, or to be freely denyed by them : videz ;

"That all such canons, lawes, statutes, decrees, usages, and customes
heretofore made, had, or used, that forbyd any person to contracte matri-
monie, or condempne matrimony by any person alredie contracted for any
vowe of priesthood, chastitie, or widowhood, that from henceforth be utterly
voyde and of none effect.

" The affirmantes of this proposition, were almost treble so many as were
the negantes. Amongst which affirmantes divers were then unmaryed, and
never dyd afterward take the libertie of maryage: as doctor Tailor the
bishop, doctor Benson, doctor Redman, doctor Hugh Weston, maister
"VVotton, &c. Of them that denyed it, notwithstandyng their superscriptions
to the contrary, as few as they were, yet some of them toke upon them
the libertie of mariage not long after; as doctor Oken, maister R;r
maister Wilson.

" Nowe yf any man may fortune to doubt of the judgement of that notable
learned man, and commonly reputed of grave judgement, I mean <:
Redmayn, doctor of divinitie, he shall heare his very judgement, which In-
uttered in the self same convocation, written in a paper severally by his owne
hande, yet extant to be shewed, and subscribed with his owne name. And
thus he suith :

" * I thynke that although the worde of God do exhort and counsell priestes
to lyve in chastitie, out of the cumber of the flesh and of the world, that
thereby they may more wholly attende to theyr callyng : yet the bande of
conteynyng from mariage, doth only lye upon priestes of this realm
reason of canons and constitutions of the church, and not by any precept
of Gods wordc : as in that they should be bound by reason of any \

JOHN ROGERS. 837

Notwithstanding, now when the state is altered, and the
lawes changed, the papisticall clergie with other like worldlinges,
as men neither fearing God, neither flying worldly shame, neither
yet regarding their consciences, othes, or honesty, like wavering
weather-cockes, turne round about, and putting on harlots fore-
heads, sing a new song, and cry with an impudent mouth;
" Come againe, come againe to the catholicke church," meaning
the antichristian church of Rome, which is the synagogue of
Sathan, and the very sinke of all superstition, heresie, and
idolatry.

Of what force I pray you may a man thinke these parlia-
ments to be, which scantly can stand a yeare in strength ? Or,
what credite is to bee given to these law makers, which are
not ashamed to establish contrary lawes, and to condemne that
for evill, which before (the thing in it selfe and the circumstances
remaining all one) they affirmed, and decreed to be good. Truly,
ye are so ready, contrarie to all right, to change and turne for
the pleasure of man, that at length I feare, God will use you like
changelings, and both turne you forth of his kingdom, and out of
your owne countrey.

Ye charge the gospell preachers with the undoing of this
realme : nay it is the turning papists, which have not only set a
sale their countrey like traitours, but also troubled the simple
people, so that they cannot tell what they may beleeve. For
that which they affirmed, and preached to bee true doctrine in
king Edwards daies, now they cry against it, as it were most

which, in as farre as any conscience is, priestes in this churche of Englande
do not make. I thynke, that it standeth well with Gods worde, that a man
which hath bene and is but once maryed, beyng otherwise accordingly quali-
fied, may be made a prieste.

" ' And I thynke, that forasmuch as canons and rules, made in this behalfe,
be neither universall, nor everlastyng, but upon considerations may be altered
and chaunged ; therefore the kynges majestic and the hygher powers of the
churche, may upon such reasons as shall move them take away the clogge of
perpetual continencie from priestes, and graunt that it may be lawful to such
as can not or will not contayne, to marye one wyfe. And yf she die, then the
sayde priest to mary no more, remanyng styll in his ministration.

" ' JOHN REDMAYN.'

" Thus this learned man, in such credit universally in decidyng questions
of conscience, doth in a great sort of respectes condempne the universal tract
of the bolde assertions inspersed through Dr. Martins whole booke." De-
fence of Priests' Marriages, p. 351—3.

VOL. II. Z

338 JOHN ROGERS.

abhominable heresie. This fault I trust ye shall never find at
our hands.

Therefore, to conclude that which I proposed, forsoniucli as
the actes of parliament of these latter times are one contrarie to
another, and those which yee now have established in your time.
are contrarie to Gods most manifest worde, as is the usurped
supreamacie of the bishop of Rome, the idolatrous masse, tin
Latine service, the prohibiting of lawfull marriage9 (which Saint
Paul calleth the doctrine of divels) with many such other : I say
it is not onely lawfull for any private man, which bringeth Gods
word for him, and the authoritie of the primitive and lu-st
church, to speake and write against such unlawfull lawes, but it
is his duety, and hee is bound in very conscience to doe it :

9 Lawfull marriage ] From the hand of Henry Wharton we have here
again, a very concise, but very valuable distinction, pointed out of the
difference of proceedings, in queen Mary's reign, in regard to the depri-
vation for marriage, of the two great classes of clergy, the regulars and the
seculars ; and which has been very imperfectly understood by the ordinary
historians.

"Nor was this all," says the bishop, p. 277, "but after they were deprived,
they were also forced to leave their wives; which piece of severity was
grounded on the vow, that as was pretended they had made ; though the
falsehood of this charge was formerly demonstrated."

" It is true," continues Wharton, " that the secular clergymen had made
no vow. But it cannot be denied, that as many of the clergy, as had
formerly been regulars, had made solemn and express vows. Now the
number of these was very considerable among the beneficed clergy of that
time ; by reason that all priests, who had been ejected out of religious houses,
were enabled to hold benefices ; and that the king also, and other patrons,
did more readily give benefices to them, that so by that means, they might
discharge themselves from the obligation of paying their annual pensions
any longer to them. These therefore were all forced to leave their wives,
unless they evaded it by any base compliance, by connivance, or by the
favour of any great person. But that any of the seculars were forced to
leave their wives, I do no where find ; indeed, it was necessary to all who
would continue in their benefices, to renounce their wives, but we now speak
of those clergymen, who had been already deprived of their ben<
Against many of them processes were formed for their marriage, which
may be found in the registers often made: but therein I cannot find any
beside regulars, to have been drprivcd by the sentence of the oourl
their marriages to have been annulled: and accordingly, in the articles of
enquiry, to be administered to every married clergyman, formed in March
15S4, (when th ; >n of th- ler&y began in the diocese of

rbury,) the first is whether he had been a religious, and of what n-
;md in what monastery or house //IP/I nf Krrnnt. ;

JOHN ROGERS. 339

which thing I have prooved by clivers examples before ; and now
will adde to but one other, which is written in the fift of the
Acts, where it appeareth that the high priests, the elders, scribes,
and pharisies decreed in their cotmcell, and gave the same com-
mandement to the apostles, that they should not preach in the
name of Christ, as ye have also forbidden us : notwithstanding
when they were charged therewithall, they answered, we ought
more to obey God then man : even so we may and do answere you.
God is more to be obeied then man : and your wicked lawes
cannot so tongue tie us, but we will speake the trueth.

The apostles were beaten for their boldnesse, and they rejoiced
that they suffered for Christes cause. Ye have also provided
rods for us, and bloudy whips : yet when ye have done that which
Gods hand and counsell hath determined that yee shall doe, be it
life or death, I trust that God will so assist us by his holy spirit
and grace, that we shall patiently suffer it, and praise God for it :
and whatsoever become of me and others, which now suffer for
speaking, and professing of the truth, yet bee yee sure that Gods
worde will prevaile and have the overhand, when your bloudy
lawes and wicked decrees, for want of sure foundation, shall fall
in the dust : and that which I have spoken of your acts of parlia-
ment, the same may be said of the generall councels of these
latter daies, which have been within these five hundreth yeares,
where as the antichrist of Rome, by reason of his usurped
authoritie ruled the roast, and decreed such things as made for
his gaine, not regarding Gods glory : and therefore are they to
be spoken, written, and cried against of all such as feare God,
and love his truth.

And thus much I purposed to have said, concerning the first
point.

Now touching the second point. That whereas my lord
chancellor had the day before said his pleasure of them that
ruled the realme, while he was in prison, and also rejoiced as
though God had made this alteration, even for his sake and his
catholicke church, as he called it ; and to declare as it were by
myracle, that we were before in a schisme and heresie, and the
realme was now brought unto an unitie, and to a truth, and I
cannot tell whereto : thereto was I fully purposed to have said ;
secondly, my lord, where as ye yesterday so highly dispraised the
government of them that ruled in innocent king Edwards daies,

z 2

340 JOHN ROGERS.

it may please your lordship to understand, that we poore preachers,
whom ye so evill allow, did most boldly and plainely rebuke their
evill governance in many things, specially their covetousnesse, and
neglect and small regard to live after the gospell, as also their
negligence to occasion other to live thereafter, with moe things
than I can nowe rehearse. This can all London testifie with us.
I would also have told him, what I my selfe for my part did once
at Paules Crosse, concerning the misuse of abbeies, and other
church goods: and I am assured right well, that never a papist
of them all did ever so much therein as I did, I thanke the Lord
therefore. I was also, as it is well knowne, faine to answrc
therefore before all the councell ; and many of my brethren did
the like; so that wee for the not rebuking of their faults, shall
not answere before God, nor be blame worthy before men. Then -
fore let the gentlemen and the courtiers themselves, and all the
citizens of London, testifie what we did.

But my lord you could not abide them, for that which they did
unto you, and for that they were of a contrary religion unto you.
Wherefore in that you seeme so infest against them, it is neither
any just or publicke cause, but it is your own private hate, that
maketh you to report so evill of their governance. And ye may
now say what yee list of them, when they bee partly dead and
gone, and partly by you put out of office.

But what shall be said of you when your fall shall follow.
shall then heare. And I must say my conscience to you : I fe.-nv
mee yee have and will with your governance bring England
of Gods Messing into a warme sunne. I pray God you do not.

I am an English man borne, and God knoweth, do naturally
wish well to my countrey. And my lord, I have often pro<
that the things which I have much feared afore hand should come
to passe, have in deed followed. I pray God I may faile of my
gessing in this behalfe : but truely that will not bee with expel-
ling the true worde of God out of the realme, and with the
sheading of innocent bloud.

And as touching your rejoicing, as though (iod had set yon
aloi'te to punish us by myracle (for so you report e ami In.
openly of your selfe) and to minister justice, if we will not,
our holy fathers mercie ; and thereby to declare your
church to be true, and ours false, to that I an>w« iv \\\\\< : (
workes be wonderfull. and arc' not to be Comprehended, and
perceived by mans wisedome. nor by the wit of the most wise

JOHN ROGERS. 341

and prudent. Yea, they are soonest deceived, and do most
easily judge amisse of Gods wonderfull workes, that are most
worldly wise. God hath made all the wisedome of this worlde
foolishnesse, (first Corinthians the first, and the second chapter)
that is, He hath put his beloved and deare heart, into the hands
of the enemies thereof. (Jerem. c. 12.)

This thing doth God, which thing all wise men accompt to be
the most foolish and unwise part that can be. Will the wise of
the world, trow ye, put their most deare friends and tenderly
beloved children, into their enemies hands, to kill, slay, burn?
That is unto them a madnesse above ah1 madnesse. And, yet
doth God use this order : and this is an high and singular
wisedome in his sight, which the world taketh to bee most
extreame madnesse.

Can the world shew a cause why he suffered the great multi-
tude of innocent children to be inurthered of Herode of Ascalon,
or why hee put that most holy man John Baptist, into the hands
of Herode his sonne to bee beheaded, and that in prison secretly
without open judgement most tyrannously ? Why hee suffered
his beloved apostle James, to bee beheaded of another Herode
(Actes 12)2 Why hee suffered his beloved seede of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, to bee foure hundred yeares in thraldome and
bondage, and under Pharao ? And all the stocke of Juda and
Benjamin his beloved children and church, to come under the
power, sword, and tyranny of Nabuchodonosor ? No verely ; but
his true catholicke church knoweth divers causes hereof, which
are now too long to rehearse, and which I would right gladly
shew, if I had time.

But this I am right sure of, that it was not because that the
foresaid godly men were in heresies, and subject to false Gods'*
services, and idolatry, and that their adversaries were men of
God, and beloved of God. — The contrarie was true. John
Baptist was beloved of God, and Herode hated, and so forth of
the rest : and John Baptist, the innocent children, James, the
children of Israeli, in Egypt, and in Babylon, were the catholicke
members and people of GOD : and their adversaries, into whose
hands they were put and delivered, and that of GOD, and by his
good will and pleasure, were idolaters and the people of the
divell : but they would be called the chiefe members of GOD, and
rejoiced that they had the true GOD, and that it was now declared
by myracle, that the Israelites had but a false God, and a false

31-2 JOHN ROGERS.

religion, seeing they were delivered into the Babylonians hands.
And all the other (the Herodes and Pharao I meane) plainely
determined, that if the men which they killed and handled evill,
had beene Gods people, GOD woulde never have suffered them to
come into their hands, but rather have done the contrarie, and
have let John Baptist kill Herode, and the Israelites Pharao,
and Nabuchodonosor. Even the like is now to be scene in us,
and in our most cruell adversaries.

They are not therefore the catholicke church, because our
mercifull God hath at this present given our lives into their
hands: neither are wee therefore heretickes, because we suffer
punishment at their hands, as the lord chauncellor by his re-
joicing, seemeth to gather : the contrarie is hereby to be gathered,
that wee be the members of the true catholicke church, because
we suffer for the same doctrine which John Baptist, James, the
Israelites, yea Christ, and the apostles, did teach. And in like
case, as the above mentioned holy men, though they in their
daies, were counted to be heretickes, seditious, and disturbers of
the whole world, (for unto John Baptist it was said, John 1 .)
Wherefore baptisest thou, ifthou be not Helias, nor that propliet, &c.
as who say, "thou hast no such authoritie to be<_n'n a i
ceremonie in the church : for wee be in ordinarie possession of
the church : and of us thou hast received no such power. Wee
abide by our circumcision :" and the like could I declare of
James, and of all the apostles and prophets, and of our Saviour
Christ himselfe, that were all condemned as heretickes and blas-
pheamers of God, and disturbers of the whole world. Paule and
Silas (Act. 16.) heard like wordes of the Philippians: "the>c
men trouble our citie, seeing they are Jewes, and preach insti-
tutions, which are not lawfull for us to receive, seeing we be
Romanes." And in Athens, the wise men of this world, and
such as gave their endevour to wisedome, said by S. Paul, What
will this prater (as my lord chancellor said to me, "Shall \\<<-
suffer this fellowe to prate'" when I would faine have said that
Hi ing, that I have here written) trifler, newes carier, or brii
that telleth whatsoever men will have him, for gaiix- and advan-
tage, that will fora piece of bread say what yeo will have him, &c.
And another said in the same place ; hee seemeth f<>
of new divels. And, Actes 21, the Jewes say by Paul*. 1
liamU on him, helpe O yee TtrtuKU^ -ay they, this is t/w ?//'/// //"//
teach* ft* <i11 //'• // . - /,/„ i>snjJ, (mraniiiM- th-

JOHN ROGERS. 343

and the lawe and this place, meaning Jerusalem ; and yet was
never a word of these true. And Actes 22, the same Jewes
said of Paule ; out of the earth with that man, or away with him :
for it is not lawfull for him to live, or hee is not worthy to live.
And how many mo of these examples are to be found in the bible 2
Although, I say, these men were in their daies taken for here-
tickes, of them that were then in authoritie, and of the great
multitude of the world, yet it is nowe well knowne, yea and very
shortly after their deathes this was knowne ; yea, and even in
their lives also unto the true catholick church, that they were
not only the chiefe and speciall members of the true catholicke
church, but also the founders and builders thereof, (notwith-
standing the sinister judgement, that the wise and mighty men,
and the great multitude of the world had of them) and in their
consciences they were alwaies assuredly certified of the same.
Even the same shall the world find true in us, shortly after our
deathes ; as also there be at this houre (the Lord be thanked
therefore) not a fewe, that already know it ; as we our selves
also are by Gods grace assuredly certified in our consciences, that
we are no heretickes, but members of the true catholicke church,
and that our adversaries the bishops and popish clergie, which
will have that title, are the members of Sathans church, and their
antichristian head of Rome with them.

But here they will cry out : loe these men will bee still like
John Baptist, the apostles and prophets, &c.

I answere, wee make not our selves like unto them, in the sin-
gular vertues and gifts of God, given unto them : as of miracles
doing, and of many other things. The similitude and likenesse of
them and us, consisteth not in all things, but only in this, that is,
that we be like them in doctrine, and in the suffering of persecu-
tion and infamie for the same.

We have preached their very doctrine and none other thing.
That wee are able sufficiently to declare by their writinges : and
by writing for my part, I have profered to proove the same (as is
now often said). And for this cause wee suffer the like reproache,
shame, and rebuke of the world, and the like persecution, leesing
of our lives and goods, forsaking (as our maister Christ com-
maundeth) father, mother, sister, brethren, wives, children, and
all that there is, being assured of a joyfull resurrection, and to be
crowned in glorie with them, according to the unfallible promises
made unto us in Christ, our onely and sufficient mediatour, recon-

344 JOHN ROGERS.

ciler, priest, and sacrifice, which hath pleased the father, and
quieted and pacified his wrath against our sinnes, and made us
without spot or wrinkle in his sight by imputation, although \u •.
of, and in our selves are bespotted, and beblotted with many filthy
sinnes, which if the great mercy graunted in Christ, did not put
away, by not imputing them unto us of his measurelesse unspeake-
able mercy and love to save us, they woulde have brought us to
everlasting damnation, and death perpetuall. Heerein, and in no
other, do we affirme our selves to bee like unto our head Christ.
and all his apostles, prophets, martyrs and saintes : and hern -in
ought all Christian men to be like them ; and heerein are all true
Christian men and women like them every one, according to the
me-isure of the faith that God hath dealt unto them, and to the
diversitie of the giftes of the Spirit given unto them.

But let us now consider, that if it bee Gods good will and plea-
sure, to give his owne beloved heart, that is his beloved church,
and the members thereof, into the hands of their enemies, to
chasten, try and proove them; and to bring them to the true
iintained acknowledging of their owne naturall stubburnnesse,
disobedience towards God, and his commandements, as touching
the love of God and of their brethren or neighbours, and their
naturall inclination, readinesse and desire, to love creature

e their owne lusts, pleasures and things forbidden of God, to
obtaine a true and earnest repentance, and sorrowfulnesse there-
fore, and to make them to sigh and cry for the forgivenesse of tin-
same, and for the aide of the spirit, daily to mortifie and kill the
said evill desires and lusts : yea and often falling into grosse out-
ward sinnes, as did David, Peter, Magdalen, and other, t<>
airline also thereout with a mighty crying for mercie, with many
other causes: let us also consider what hee hereafter doth with
the said enemies, into whose hands hee hath given his tenderly
beloved dearelings to be chastened and tried. Forsooth, whereas
he but chasteneth his dearelings, and crosseth them for a small
while, according to his good pleasure, as all fathers doe with their
children, (Heb. 12. Proverb 3.) he utterly destroy th. yea and

lastingly damneth the unrepentant enemies. Let Ilerode tell
nice what hee waiine i >y killing James, and persecuting lVt«-r. and
( *hri>tes tender dearlings. and beloved spouse and wife, his church.

ly (iod thought him not worthy to have death iniinVt
unto him by men or angells, or any worthy nvatmvs ; hut th<i>e
wniall, and yet m<»t \ile 1 lire, and small wnrmes. mu>t

JOHN ROGERS. 345

consume and kill his vile, and tyrannous body. Pharao and
Nabuchodonoser, for all their pride and most mighty power, must
at the length let Gods dearelings go freely away out of their land,
yea out of their hands and tyranny. For when it could not bee
obtained at their hands, that Gods congregation might have true
mercy ministered unto them, but the counterfaite mercie of these
our daies, that is to say, extreame cruelty, and even the very and
that most horrible and cruell death, God arose and awoke out of
his sleepe, and destroyed those enemies of his flocke, with a mighty
hand and stretched out arme. Pharao did with most great and
intolerable labors and burdens, oppresse and bring under the poore
Israelites, and yet did the courtiers undoubtedly noise abroade,
that the king was merciful! unto them, to suffer them to live in
the land, and to set them a worke, that they might get them their
livinges. If hee should thrust them out of his land, whither should
they goe, like a sort of vagabonds and runnagates ? This title
and name of mercie, would that tyrant have, and so did his flat-
tering false courtiers spread his vaine praise abroade. Have not
wee the like examples nowe adaies ? O that I had nowe time to
write certain things pertaining to our Winchesters mercy ! How
mercifull hee hath been